Yangon Population 2014

Population 2014

What changed the population of the Yangon region between 1973, 1983 and 2014? 47.8% of the population are male and 52. Census overview and results 2014. Population breakdown of Yangon by township, 2014 census.

The capital of Ayeyarwady region (over 287,000 inhabitants - 2014 census).

Myanmar 2014 Census - Thematic Report on Migration and Urbanization - Census Report Volume 4-D - Myanmar

Myanmar's 2014 population and housing survey is the first of its kind since 1983. Measuring the features of all Myanmar's population and households1, the U.S. Population Quensus is an inestimable resource for both population characterization and political comment.

The present Migratory and Urbanisation Reports provides information on three important processes: in Myanmar (international migration); and (iii) the division of population between the city and the countryside (urbanization). Migrations are either assessed over the lives of persons for whom a given individual is classified as a lifelong immigrant if he has been moving at some point in his adult lifelong career, or in relation to recent movements in which a immigrant is identified as a individual who has been moving within the five-year pre-census perirect.

Domestic immigration is understood as a flow between townships. Domestic immigration in Myanmar is comparable to that of neighboring states. 3% said they moved at least once. In the five-year pre-census phase, 7% said they were on the move. Much of Myanmar's motion centered around Yangon, either as a motion to Yangon or as a motion between districts within Yangon.

Ayeyawady was the main reason for moving among the youngest immigrants to Yangon. In Ayeyawady, all neighborhoods contributed significantly to the migratory flows to Yangon. Inside Yangon, the main flows of the youngest immigrants were from West and South Yangon to North and East Yangon. A study of the industry structures of the Yangon district revealed that a high percentage of younger immigrants were working in industry.

Among them were almost 50 percent of the migrant women in North Yangon. These results suggest that the development policies of developed areas are a mighty tool that influences the course of immigration. Industry areas draw immigrants to work within the areas, and if they are able to reside near their place of work, this will increase the population of these areas.

Policy makers should be conscious of the link between immigration and the emergence of new areas of industry and make appropriate provision for housing and other support for immigrants. Simultaneously, the results of large flows from states/regions such as Ayeyawady suggest that more efforts should be made to increase job creation in areas of Ayeyawady that provide a large number of immigrants.

Although these polices should not be devised with the aim of limiting freedom of mobility, they will help to create more equitable migratory outcomes. Aiming at increasing the number of cross-border points of entry is likely to lead to more job creation and thus to more immigration. The number of women immigrants in recent migrations is higher than that of men, with almost 53 percent of immigrants being women.

Migrant women who migrated between states/regions were rather single in comparison to those who migrated within states/regions, with over 50 percent not married. Measures to avoid the abuse of these immigrants should be reinforced. While the overwhelming bulk of the youngest immigrants were between 25 and 30 years of age, the proportion of immigrants in the city areas was also higher in the 1930s and 1940s than in other migratory flows.

In general, immigrants had a higher school leaving certificate than non-immigrants. One of the reasons why migrant workers in the industry were not employed in the industry was because of the higher percentage of migrant workers, especially city-to-city and city-to-country workers, who accounted for 6. 8 percent of the workforce in general, but there were much higher percentage in the processing area. The rate of joblessness was much lower among the youngest immigrants than among non-migrants in adulthood.

While, for example, 6 percent of immigrants between the ages of 20-24 were out of work at the moment of the census, the rate for the same group was 10 percent. More recent immigrants migrated to homes that had better accessibility to power, better wells and better sanitary installations than those without.

These results suggest that immigrants are in a relatively favourable location in comparison to non-migrants. The results can, however, be construed in such a way that many immigrants find themselves in economical circumstances in which they have to take on any work. It should supervise the immigrants' conditions and avoid any kind of exploit.

Most conspicuous is the flow of immigrants. Nearly half of the recent migratory movements took place between city areas, and about 10 percent of the movements were from the countryside to the city. Whilst the census' definitions of migratory movements have doubtless led to many migratory movements from the countryside not being recognised as migratory movements, the results suggest that, in the case of more sustainable migratory movements, the majority of migratory movements are from town to town.

A more sustainable emigration from the countryside has been targeted at other areas of the countryside. These results suggest that a policy that aims to give country dwellers similar educational facilities to those offered to city dwellers would give country dwellers the chance to enhance their livelihoods through migrants. It is also important to share information about the possibilities in other areas with both the countryside and the city.

The census provides useful information on migratory flows, but is not intended to cover the full spectrum of migratory flows. The census did not sufficiently assess the number of transient types of transport. It could emphasise the areas that have been highlighted in this document as important sources and targets for migrants.

One example is Ayeyawady as the spring area and Yangon as the target area. It was also intended to examine how immigrants help to develop reception and broadcasting areas. The 2014 census shows that about 4 percent of the population or 2. Two million people from Myanmar are said to have lived abroad.

In all likelihood, this figure is lower than the real number of people outside Myanmar, due in part to the way in which the information was collected and because some householders may not have been willing to disclose information about undocumented immigrants. The census could also not list whole homes that had gone abroad.

Younger expatriates are better than those who relocated in the five years preceding the census. Women's areas of emigration were more highly focused than men's, with the youngest women emigrating from districts on the Thai frontier. The youngest immigrants to Thailand were young adults, with over 77 percent of men and 76 percent of women emigrating from Myanmar between the age of 15 and 34.

Myanmar's government should seek to make sure that information on job opportunity for women abroad is available and that obstacles to women's immigration are removed. The perception of migratory risks is one of these obstacles. More gender balance in migrating to Thailand shows that the use of online communities plays a major gender perspective in the reduction of women's perception of migrants.

Budgetary figures suggest that immigrants come from slightly better off than those without. Although these are national/regional in nature, this suggests that either migratory movements come from better -off budgets or that the refunds they may send back make a beneficial impact on the budget economies.

Regardless of the nature of the relationship, this is an indicator of the value of household immigration. Networking between societies on both sides of the frontiers supports the migratory movement between nations and institutionalises the mainstream. Other areas of Myanmar, especially in the delta areas, are less prosperous, but they do not have the same amount of rivers as the frontier areas.

The reason for this may be the absence of information about the possibilities in other nations or other possibilities for domestic migrations within Myanmar. Results show that immigrants focus on specific homes. The same applies to both domestic and foreigners. As far as migratory internationals were concerned, the census showed that 7. 6 percent of homes included an emigrant, while 12.

2% included an in-house immigrant with very little overlapping between the two budgets. Instead of being the first stage in the process of globalisation, domestic immigration functions largely in a different group of budgets from the world. Only a small number of people (23,577) had their last place of abode outside Myanmar and lived in Myanmar at the date of the census.

Most of them came from Thailand (55 percent), 5 percent said they lived in Malaysia. So it is clear that few foreigners live in Myanmar, as the census shows. Myanmar's population is still small in the city.

Nearly 30 percent of the population described as "urban", the country's working population is still predominantly agrarian, but there is a process of transformation. In some areas of Yangon, Myanmar's prime town, there are areas in some Yangon counties that are considered countryside, but in which the occupation of the inhabitants is similar to that of town.

The reason for this is the relatively cheap soil in the outskirts of the major metropolitan areas of Southeast Asia, which promotes the increase of upstream developments and industry divisions in the originally rustic areas. In the course of Myanmar's economic and social transformation, urbanisation and expansion are likely to accelerate significantly.

Aside from the administration of large towns and communities, for which Yangon and Mandalay are an example in Myanmar, the main policies of the past four decennia have been an impetus to the development of a more equitable cityscape. In most cases, this is manifested in investment trusts that try to build up centers of local economic development.

Locating new locations for industry is an example of this kind of politics in Myanmar. Of the 41 locations licensed until 2010, 23 were in Yangon District. Government should focus on developing areas of industry in areas of the countryside outside Yangon. It would have the benefit of decelerating Yangon's municipal expansion while at the same time generating jobs.

Yangon's population is dense and its infrastructure is growing. It will require the expansion of further areas in the state in order to divert immigration. Population trends in Yangon District showed that over 80 percent of Yangon's increase in the five years prior to the census was due to domestic migrants.

That is a very high proportion and is primarily due to Yangon's appeal as a place of work. Although it is unlikely that immigration has had the same impact on population changes in other parts of Myanmar's cities, it points to the importance of employability as an incitement to the move.

This is unlikely to be changed soon due to the network of Yangon communities that connect Yangon to the areas of ancestry. Efforts must, however, be made to achieve job creation outside Yangon and to make sure that information about these new possibilities is widely disseminated.

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