What Language do Burmese SpeakWhich language do the Burmese speak?
The Karen as well as the Karenni speak dialects of the Karen languages.
Myanmar's language is "Burmese", also known as " Myanmar language ", which is the first language of 32 million people and the second language of 10 million people. What's your name?na times ball lo lo o lall ll? You speak English? in ya ya ya go paw the t de la? is there anyone who can speak English? in ya ya-ga paw the t de lu di ma shi la? help!kuuu u neyi mai!
About 100 different tongues and idioms are used in Myanmar, which represent four large language groups (Sino-Tibetan, Austro-Asian, Tai-Kadai and Indo-Germanic). Burmese, the language of education, is the language of Myanmar (Burma), which is used by about 65% of the people. All the other tongues, idioms and variations are mainly pronounced by minority groups in different parts of the world.
Anglophone - second language in Myanmar.
The International Institute for Asian Studies
I' m exploring this interface between language, identities and the equations between language and ethicity by looking at three variations within the Burmese language itself: between the Rakhaing/Marma, Tavoyan and Intha vernacular. Rakhaing's spokespersons, who are less different from Burmese than Tavoyan, have a distinct feeling of their own identities, while many Tavoyan spokespersons generally refer to themselves as "Burman".
The Burmese speaking dialects take a leading role in all aspects of Burma's socio-linguistic structures. It is also useful to understand how whole tongues and their respective cultures relate to each other. Burma's ethicity is of key importance for society, its cultural and political life.
For example, the British invented a new governmental leadership technique that would allow them to generate entities and attract appropriate men for the army: they compared language with "race" to build racecategories. Beyond Burma, this early conception of raciality has slowly developed into the notion of" ethnicity" or" group.
The two deep implications of this first racist (later ethnic) thought were that groups of Burmese individuals have delineated and reconfigured themselves into ethnical identity, in which language played a pivotal, albeit ambiguous, part. Scientists also do not agree on "ethnicity"; many oppose a historization of ethnicality, i.e. a debate on how ethnicality has emerged as a kind of comprehension and categorization of differences in a certain contexts.
Other people decide to play down the function of race and treat it as a kind of a kind of politics Neurose, a obsession for a certain kind of organization of the whole wide and english language area. In the course of history, ethicity has interfered with previous methods of identifying with the pre-colonial Burmese Empire, which, however, are competing with ethic.
Not everyone who speaks the same language understood themselves in pre-colonial times as part of the same fellowship or as part of the same corporate identities. In accordance with the rationale of race, language is of key importance for the identification and recognition of differences. This can shed light on how different and diverse a language is, how long it has been separate and how it works in people.
It is not just language that has become a part of people. Hindi and Urdu, for example, are the same language at the everyday language levels, which has a shared source, but policy has subdivided them into different one. However, as Kojima (in this focus) talks about palaung, which speak very different variations (perhaps even languages), they still see themselves as a group.
Burmese has little regional variability in comparison to the other official South-East Asian language. Of the 52 million inhabitants, 32 million speak Burmese as their mother tongue and another 10 million speak it as a second language. 1The figures come from the ethnologue website, This relatively low level of variability may reflect the fact that the language has only expanded from Upper Burma in the last few hundred years, with a focus on Pagan and Mandalay.
Presenters are conscious of the small discrepancies between the Mandalay, Yangon and Mawlamyaing speeches, but they don't t seem to give much importance to this variety. Rather, they are more in tune with the emphases of second language learners, who, together with optical clues such as looks and clothes, can provide the foundation for stereotypical assessments of these second language learners.
However, pronunciations that differ significantly from Burmese language standards have emerged in geographic areas on the periphery of the former historic expansion of language, even in areas that are now other states. In westernmost Burma, the Rakhaing Yoma Mountains cut off the Rakhaing state from the south.
It encompasses most of the historic Arakan, empires whose might extends far into present-day Bangladesh. It is the biggest and best-known idiom, with about 800,000 mother-tongue speaking people in the state of Raqhaing and another 200,000 in Bangladesh. A further million people speak Raqhaing as a second language, among them Chinese, Chakma (Daingnet) and Bengali idioms.
The Marma is a vernacular of Raqhaing used by 150,000 Bangladeshi and 30,000 other Bangladeshi dialects in Mizoram and Tripura in north-eastern India. Marma are the only group of Burmese dialects peakers who are completely outside Burma and representing a populace that, after the 18thcent...
Across the Tenasserim coastline (Taninth?yi), some 400,000 Tavoyan residents speak in and around the ancient Burmese and Thai cities of Tavoy (Dawe), whose controls have shifted between Burmese and Thai dishes over the years. Tavoyan's sound suggests that it may have separated from most of the speaker in pagan times (around the 9th-13th century A.D.) just before Burmese was inscribed.
Until today, the Tavoy term for Burmese further northern of Tavoyen Ghana, verbatim "heathen" +"child", is the first synonym derived from a simplified version of the name of the old empire, Pagan. Further North, some 90,000 spokespersons of the Intha effect are living on and around Lake Inle in South Shan State.
From a historical point of view, the Shan, who speak a Tai-Kadai language related to Thai, encircled the Intha. Myanmar spokesmen may have come to the area as part of a foreign post. Other Burmese vernaculars, some of which have been described only occasionally, include Yaw and Beik (Mergui), which appear to be quite similar to basic Burmese, and Taung'yo and Danu, both of which are Shan-speaking and appear somewhat different.
2 In August 2016 I spoke with Danu and Taung'yo near Pindaya in Shan State. The decision on the separation between "language" and "dialect" is difficult and has as much to do with philosophy, historical and political issues as with any kind of "objective" evaluation of how near or far two language variants are.
The fact that the spokespersons of two species can communicate, for example, does not ensure that one group rejects or accepts the other group. In addition, it also relies on the degree to which the various actors were subject to language fluctuations, which means that two variants are "mutually understandable".
In the use of dialogues, the impact and reputation of the language cannot be neglected - "standard forms" can often replace dialectical one. In an attempt to gain an understanding of the evolution of the Burmese language and the dialect, language scholars are relying on how the Burmese language is spelled, or "Written Burmese". In order to make it a little easier, the sound of the language from an early time is retained.
For example, writing indicates the presence of consonants before many of the far-reaching changes in tone that all of us have experienced in recent years. In order to comprehend how the diversity of the language used diverges, we can use the term for chickens, . 3The following conventions, shapes between parentheses are translated from another language (here Burmese), while shapes between oblique lines // representing tones. which is a previous debate.
Due to a number of changes in tone, Burmese language is currently pronounced /c??/, but in rakkhaing /kra?/. On this case, it seems to be more traditional than Burmese. According to UK source, the transition from /r/ to /y/ seems to have continued into the 19th centuries and is the source of such shapes as "Rangoon", which is Yangoun in the present pronounciation.
At the other side is the term for temples or schools, spelled /KYO??/, /càu?/ in Burmese default and rakkhaing, but /kl???/ in Tavoyan. Tavoyan's existence of the'l' tone indicates that it retains a tone that prevailed in the oldest states of Burmese, first recorded in the 11th c...
Think of this kind of modification in the soundsystems, along with a few changes in terminology and a few changes in terms of the syntactic (or'grammar'). Fluctuations in lexicon may be reflected in bonds from other countries. Burmese noungyi [sarong] comes from Bengali Lunggi, while the Rakhaing is t?y?? and the Tavoyan ??????, even from the Malay slang.
"The Three Burmese Dialects", in D. Bradley (ed.) 1995. 13: Burmese language courses, Canberra: Department of Linguistics, Australian National University, pp. 1-138. Boy' in Burmese default is g?le?. g?le?, literally'animal + little', versus Tiboyan g?le?. sú, literally'male + little'. Now, Tamvoyan sú only appears as an item in maiden name in Burmese default.
It is another modus of more subtile borrowings in which the indigenous element replication a pattern from another language. Chilli' in Burmese is ??you?. ?i?, literally'pepper + fruit', but Intha sa?. ?i?, literally'spicy + fruit', replicating Shan mail p?it,'fruit + spicy'. Like: lo?? www. com (ha) what are you doing there?
In Burmese this would be ba l?? ne (ð?) l??. Lastly, l?? here indicates a comparative issue (i.e., who, what, where, when, who) and can be deducted in very incidental discourse under certain conditions. In this respect, the other vernacular follows the Burmese standard. The handling of the nomenclature of language, people and what we now call'ethnonyms' is generally very problems.
Such an example in English is the word "Dutch", which relates to the language of the Netherlands, but is related to the name German for itself and its language, German. We see similar changes and changes when we deal with Burmese dialectspeakers. Today, Burmese English is the legal name of the land, language and tribe of Myanmar .
, the source of words like Burma and Burman in English and Bam? or Bamar in Burmese English, is of the same type, due to a certain alteration in tone. In 2016 I interviewed Rakhaing's and her language called themselves z?g??, literally'Rakhaing' +'language'.
Marmashes call themselves Fribourg Region and their language Fribourg Region. We' ve already seen how the transition from r to y has affected standard Burmese, so the link between Marma and Myanma is immediate and fascinating. During the 19th c. UK civil servants like Hamilton found out that concepts like Rakhaing and Yanbye related only to parts of Arakan and that the peoples of Arakan used Maram? to describe themselves.
Today, however, this concept only applies to the Baruas, the Bengali-speaking buddhistic people of today's Bangladesh. Tavoyer tends to call themselves Bam?, as does the Burmese default name of the ethnical minority, and their language b?maga?, although some (mainly for idiological reasons) call themselves b?maga? and their language Bam?.
Intha' s call themselves ???nsà and their language ???n.s?ka?. UK scientists tried to make links between the various dialectspeakers. A way to interpret the shifting in the importance of Mranm?-gr? is to conclude that rakhaings in contemporary Bangladesh are a buddhistic fellowship closely associated with Burmese Buddhism, which is heavily institutionalised and respected.
In the Barua regime, if buddhistic practice were less organised or institutionalised, they would strive for education and practice in rakkhaing institutes where they would be subjected to language and thus in some way become a kind of rakkhaing. Whatever the spokespersons of these Burmese dialogues judge themselves, they seem to be at the top of the game.
No matter what the name for themselves and their language may be, dialects are as important in language ecology as Burmese. I was observed on a fellowship on language and language communication. The general tendency in multilingual environments - those who speak many different tongues on a regular basis - is that who learns which language, or who learns a particular language and who does not, is to reflect where language groups are hierarchically divided.
One side-effect of "learning" is that lower language actors can reproduce both material (usually intended as "borrowing") and pattern (or "syntax") by re-analyzing and using indigenous words or shapes in the same way as the language of the models. In other words, folks have a tendency to study the language further up the ladder and not the other way around.
Within Burma, the general tendency is that the more language spoken, the lower the hierarchical level. Somewhat confusing is that higher level tongues are living at lower elevations - in the lowland and in the hilly valley - and lower level tongues at higher elevations - in the highland, in the highland and in the hills. One example from the Kachin universe would be a Maru or Lhaovo spokesman who also knows Jinghpaw and Burmese and possibly Shan or Chinese.
The Jinghpaw and Shan loudspeakers would not teach Lhaovo if they did not have familiar relationships. The Burmese seldom study minorities' language, but English and commercially useful foreign language such as Chinese, Turkish, Korean as well as Japanes. There are many similarities outside Burma, such as East Europeans, who study many West African working and educational tongues, but not back.
There are important exemptions to this tendency of talking and replication. This means that the type of multi-lingualism is long-term and robust, and that the language change is not fast. Some population groups will be learning lower hierarchical levels, such as China and other merchants who are learning many different language skills to make doings.
In some parts of Lower Burma, where the Mons are the indigenous minority, some Burmese are actually learning Mon. In Bangladesh, a Muslim dominated state, the Bengali language is above Marma and Rakhaing, but within the community of Buddhists, Rakhaing and Marma are at the top.
Bangladesh underlines the importance of Burmese Buddhism with its great reputation and interinstitutional complex. In Bangladesh, the Burmese authorities support Buddhism by making it easier for Buddhist Buddhists who come to Burma from Bangladesh to university. Abstract numbers can also help clarify the phonetic situations in some of Burma's idioms.
From a historical point of view, Shans Intha has learnt, but not vice versa, and the Karen language spokesmen around Tavoyan are learning Tavoyan, but not vice versa. If a large number of voices speak a language with a higher level, they can take certain language with them. When the language of the higher level is used by a relatively small number of persons, the language customs around them can fit into the language of the monolingual.
According to this observations, Intha is missing the audio /?/, instead she has /s/, which is Shan's voice. When we look at Tavoyan'on the side', as every single term in a Tavoyan phrase correlates with standard Burmese, the two are pretty similar when we realize how the older tones in each type have moved into the present.
However, when we hear Tavoyan, it is initially striking, incomprehensible different for most spokespersons of Burmese at first. Prosodia or voicing is completely different, without the long tones Burmese use for accentuation. There' s the /l/ attendance as in /kl???/[school], and the naturist vocals of Burmese are often not the same.
After all, the tones /b/ and /d/ often sound'imploded' as /?/ /?/ as in Khmer or Vietnamese (see Jenny's essays in this Focus). It is precisely these differences that may have similarities in the Karen language. During linguistic assimilation with Tavoyan, they may have translated these characteristics into the Tavoyan language.
However, I warn that much more needs to be done to thoroughly describe all facets of the dialect and language(s) tonal system with which they have come into touch before we can make such assertions certain. To sum up, a feeling of differences, a feeling of societal detachment, loyalty and sponsorship is undoubtedly quite old, but how language contributes to the establishment and preservation of differences is ambiguous.
Analyzing the changes in tone is a large part of what studies of historic language is. How the Burmese of old sounds have evolved into what we listen to in Burmese and its dialect today may be the archaic concerns of modern scholars, who receive convenient funding from Europe's university.
However, a well-founded transformation can provide immediate insight into historic and societal events.