What is Burma Called todayHow is Burma called today?
Myanmar Story (Burma)
A 45 million year old fossilized bone (possibly the cannon bone of a large ape-like animal) was found in 2003 in the centre of Myanmar, which could show the area to be the birth place of all people. The ancient Greeks also knew the land. Soon it became a town of the famous temple and the capitol of the First Burmese Empire.
The Shan tribe (closely related to the Siamese) conquered a part of the lowlands to the west in the subsequent confusion, while the Mon in the north liberated themselves from Bamar rule and rebuilt their own state. Bayinnaung came to the seat in 1550, united all of Burma and conquered the neighboring Siamese so persuasively that it took many years for the long-lasting tensions between the two countries to reappear.
King Alaungpaya started the third and last Burma mynasty with all the delicacy of a step into the last, defeating the Mon when they took over Inwa in 1752. Alaungpaya' s feeling of indestructibility, some say, deceived the people of Burma into believing they could later withstand the British. Alaungpaya' s brief and bloodied rule was followed by his boy Hsinbyushin, who stormed Thailand and leveled Ayuthaya, and forced the Siamese to move their capitol to Bangkok.
Hsinbyushin's follower, Bodawpaya (another Alaungpaya' son), also sought fame and placed the Rakhine under Myanmar oversight. In the end, this resulted in tensions with the British (who had commercial interests in the Rakhine area), which the ruling family would not survive. The UK has defeated the whole of Burma on three crucial points with a view to new market and sourcing in Southeast Asia.
During the First, Second and Third Anglo-Burmese Gulf Battles they took in Tanintharyi (Tenasserim) and Rakhine (Arakan) in 1824, Yangon (Rangoon) and South Burma in 1853 and Mandalay and North Burma in 1885. Burma's first conflict began when King Bagyidaw ordered Burma's forces to come from Rakhine to Assam (India) to persecute people.
Myanmar forces then gave themselves up. Yandabo's treaty, supported by mission interpreter Adoniram Judson (whose name still appears on many Baptist congregations in Myanmar), gave Rakhine and Tenasserim to the British. Bagan Min began his rule two Myanmar monarchs later in the same way as many others: with massive killings to free the city from its possible mates.
Soon the British conquered all of South Burma,cluding Yangon and Pathein (Bassein). The palatial intrigue, which included the assassination of Mindon's mighty half-brother by Mindon's own children, kept the King's hands in his name. Unfortunately, former royalty did not have to struggle with the effects of the global press, and this act did little to rebound the UK against the last crucial British conflict against the Burmese.
It took Britain only two in 1885 to capture Upper Burma, banish Thibaw and his farm to India and take over the whole area. From then on Burma was managed as part of "British India". Indians flocked into the land, acted like second colonizers, built up business and took away from the enemy Indians scarce, low ruling positions.
China's migration was also promoted, further subduing and marginalizing the Myanmar population. The Brits have changed the names of many important metropolises to Rangoon, Pyay to Prome and Bagan to Pagan. A large part of Burma was regarded as a case of hardship on the part of British settlement officers who found it hard for the natives to governm.
Burned by resistance to British domination, joblessness and the undermining of the traditionally educative roles of Tibetan religious communities, the nation had the highest levels of criminality in the British Empire. Burma's renaissance came in the early twentieth centuries, often headed by Tibetan monks. Yangon college undergraduates went on strikes on National Day 1920 and protested against elite entry into British colleges.
They called each other Thakins ( "masters") because they claim to be the legitimate champions of Burma. In 1936, a young man named Aung San was evicted from college for his refusal to disclose the writer of a political charge. Burma was bureaucratically separate from India in 1937 and a new legislature with Burma's electes.
Nonetheless, the land was still riven by a battle between rival factions and occasional outbreaks of anti-Indian and anti-Chinese force. Aung San Suu Kyi's fame in the West as Aung San Kyi's dad, Bogyoke (General) Aung San is worshipped as a nationwide figure and his image is seen throughout the state.
The youngest of six peasant families, he was borne in Natmauk in Burma's main area on February 13, 1915. Aung San studied at the University of Rangoon as an smart kid. He published the paper and ran the All Burma Students' Union. When he was 26 years old, he and the group of thirty comrades abroad were looking for assistance for their independent work.
Despite their initial aspirations for an agreement with China, they negotiated with Japan and received further education in the war. These Thirty Comrades became the first force of the Burmese National Army (BNA) and were sent back to Burma in 1941 with the incoming Japans. In mid-1942, the Japans together with the Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) had expelled the British-Indian armed services from most of Burma.
However, the behavior of Japan's forces began to estrange the Burmese. At Japan's Fifteenth Army HQ in Maymyo (now Pyin Oo Lwin), Aung San complained: "I went to Japan to rescue my men who fought like oxen among the Britons. In March 1945, Aung San and the BNA changed loyalty to the Allied side.
Your help and the courageous Chindite operation, an Allied special unit, assisted the Brits to beat the Japanese in Burma two mont. Now Aung San and his fellow workers had the opportunity to impose the post-war conditions for their state. Aung San paid a visit to London in January 1947 as Vice-Chairwoman of the Governor's Executive Board.
A deal was reached at a summit with UK Prime Minister Clement Attlee under which Burma would take over self-government within a year. Aung San meets the Shan, Chin and Kachin leadership a following Monday in Panglong, Shan State. Much of the treaty also extended to the absence of Kayin, Kayah, Mon and Rakhine.
Aung San's Antifascist People's Liberation League (AFPFL) won an impressive 172 out of 225 votes in the poll. Burma's Communist Party took seven, the Bamar oppositions headed by U Saw, three. U Saw was Burma's premier between 1939 and 1942 and was banished to Uganda for the remainder of World War II because he communicated clandestinely with the Japs after a unsuccessful effort to obtain Britain's consent to Burma's domination.
There are 69 minority groups, four of which are for the Anglo-Burmese population. In a conspiracy attributed to U Saw, 32-year-old Aung San and six helpers were shot down on July 19, 1947. There are speculations that the army was part of Aung San's demilitarization plan.
U Saw apparently thought he would take the position of PM with Aung San; instead, he took the rope when the British left him hanging for the 1948 deaths. As Myanmar grieved the deaths of a heroe, in October 1947 Attlee and Aung San's protégée, U Nu, concluded an exchange of government covenant.
Burma became self-sufficient and abandoned the British Commonwealth on January 4, 1948, in the midnight. The new U Nu-led administration almost immediately had to struggle with the total collapse of the land, which involved rebel, communist, gang and (US-backed) anti-Communist Chinese KMT factions. Commies retreated from the administration and assaulted them.
Moslems from the Rakhine area were also against the new regime. They rebelled, believing for a long time to be fully involved with the Burmese. At the beginning of 1949, almost the whole land was in the ownership of a number of insurgent groups, and there were even fights in the Yangon area. In one phase, the regime was close to surrender to the Communists, but it was slowly resisting.
In 1950 and 1951 it took back the majority of the state. When Chiang Kai-Shek's KMT troops collapsed with those of Mao Zedong, the shredded remains of the KMT retreated to North Burma and raided Yunnan, China. However, because KMT was no match for China's Communist Party, it chose to cut its own little feud out of Burma's territories.
In the mid-1950s, the regime had increased its influence on the nation, but the economies were slipping from poor to poor. He succeeded in remaining in office until 1958, when he volunteered to hand over the rein to an executive junta under General Ne Win. This was seen as a welcome shift, given the level of ownership of the Myanmar armed forces that had contributed to the country's autonomy.
Delivered from the "democratic" responsibility of a civil administration, Ne Win made outstanding strides in the 15-month term of his army rule. Some level of order and order was re-established, the activities of the rebels were curtailed and Yangon received a much-needed cleanup. Thant Myint-U in The River of Lost Footsteps says Ne Win's first term was regarded by some as "the most efficacious and efficacious in Burma's contemporary music.
Unfortunately, the same does not apply to the general's second, much longer term at the head of Burma. This and the destabilizing political efforts of various minority groups to abandon the Union of Burma led to a 1962 war. A 17-man revolutionary council was founded by Ne Win, who said the Burma would "march" towards Burma's socialist style by seizing most of its personal goods and surrendering them to military-run state enterprises.
In 1967, a nation that was the biggest exporters of raw materials before the Second Worid War was no longer able to support itself. Finally, in May 1974, the Ne Win regime's resistance spilled into a strikes by peasants and others and later that year into unrest over what was considered an unreasonable funeral for former UN Secretary-General U Thant in Yangon.
In response to shots and detentions, the regime resumed power and persevered in leading the nation - and impoverished the nation with gradual demonization. At the end of 1981, Ne Win resigned as prime minister of the Federal Reserve and retained his post as chairman of the Burma Socialist Program Partie ( "BSPP"), the only legitimate 1974 constitutional governing group.
However, his heir, San Yu, and the administration stayed very much under the control of Ne Win's will. Peak protest came on August 8, 1988 (August 8, 1988), after which the entire resistance was destroyed, an estimation of 3000 people killed and more arrested by the state.
Ten thousand, mainly college kids, escaped the countryside. The State Law & Order Restoration Council (Slorc) was founded in September 1988 and promised multi-party elections within three heats. NLD was headed by several former general leaders, along with Aung San Suu Kyi (daughter of Aung San, the hero's daughter), who left such a strong image at the 1988 protest demonstrations.
Before the elections, Slorc tried to pacify the crowds with building programmes by painting many of Yangon's monuments and giving up communism in favor of a secularism. The government in 1989 renamed the state Myanmar, placed Aung San Suu Kyi under home detention and arrested many other pro-democracy rulers.
It was the government's conviction that it had been effective in dealing with the opponents and held the first elections in 30 years. The NLD was attacked by the army in October 1990 and arrests were made of certain people. Slorc thought it secure enough to free Aung San Suu Kyi five years later; at the same moment many other high-ranking dissidents, among them Kyi Maung and Ti U, were dismissed from jail.
She detained several hundred participants in the congressional elections, and the road that led to Suu Kyi's palace was also closed, forbidding her from making talks in her dorm. Suu Kyi tried to flee Yangon in 1998 to see followers, but was jammed by the army and violently re-entered the town.
In September 2000, a second effort to travel to Mandalay led to the woman (as she is lovingly called) being held by a road block and later placed under home detention. The NLD and other initiators of a tourist blackout led to discouraging participation in the junta's 1996 Myanmar Year.
Strengthened Western penalties resulted in the Chinese authorities looking for other revenue sources: trading with China, India and Thailand. In 2003 Khin Nyunt, the dreaded chief of defence secret service, became premier. While Than Shwe pledged to pursue the democratic process, his work focused on the negotiation of multi-million US dollars trading agreements with China, India and Thailand and the import of arms and defence know-how from Russia and North Korea.
They called the town Nay Pyi Taw (Royal Capital) and left little doubts that Than Shwe's strategy and inspiration were less focused on the contemporary realm than on the Myanmar monarchs of past ages. War reacted with shots and reportedly killed a friar. The All Burma Monks Alliance (ABMA) was founded in answer to this, which denounced the governing regime as an "evil army dictatorship" and refused to take charity from army officers (a practise called miktam mickujana kamma).
Until September 17th there were more and more walks every day in big towns like Yangon, Mandalay, Meiktila and Sittwe. On September 22nd, Aung San Suu Kyi was suddenly prayed with monks outside her doors. A fortnight later, 50,000 to 150,000 demonstrators were marching through the streets of Yangon in the so-called Saffron Revolution.
The whole time the administration was watching and taking pictures of the attendees. September 26, the military began to shoot demonstrators and impose a curfew. 3. Until the end of the month, abbeys were attacked, around 3,000 persons apprehended and over 30 killed, among them a photographic artist from Japan, whose murder was recorded on videotape in CYangon.
The Yangon shunned the worse, but the wind (at 80mph) still tipped electricity cables and bushes, and left the town without electricity for two wards. Its lukewarm reaction to the catastrophe has been widely denounced. External assistance groups were hampered by the absence of a visa and the Myanmar military's failure to provide assistance to international aircraft.
Meanwhile, the federal administration has conducted the referenda more or less according to plan and outraged many local and external commentators. Some feared that the non-coordination would only increase the country's influence on the army and would not allow any room for other states. Army officials said 98. Than Shwe's road map for a disciplined democratic system and another motive for keeping his nominee Aung San Suu Kyi under home detention (after her planned liberation in 2009) marked the first parliamentary elections in Myanmar in November 2010.
More than 30 different politically-motivated factions leaped through a significant number of tires to take part in the 2010 elections, among them the National Democratic Force (NDF), a renegade group of the NLD that, unlike its mother federation, chose to take part in the run. The USDP won an elections which the UN described as "deeply flawed", as anticipated.
No wonder many saw the move of state as largely cosmetic, but it was a good outcome that Aung San Suu Kyi was freed from home detention with the win in her pocket and allowed access to the world' s leading audio-visuals. The first meetings of a quasi-civilian parliamentary assembly took place in February 2011, succeeding the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) of the army regim.
Since then Than Shwe has receded softly into the shadows and even in December 2015 had a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi, his former Nemesis. With Myanmar's cruel ray of optimism in the recent past, one could forgive many for adding a dash of brine to Thein Sein's maiden speech to the new government, which pledged sensible reform for the state, which included the fight against poverty and bribery.
A year later, after the US presidency and Aung San Suu Kyi began to free detainees, dismantle state restrictions and pass various legislation to liberalise the Myanmar economies (including the freeing of Kyat), it became clear that truly beneficial changes were underway in Myanmar. We have seen the drop of unsustainable threats, the Heads of State and Government flying to Yangon, and it seemed that the land was well on its way out of the coldness.
The interethnic and interreligious power in Rakhine State and the state of Myanmar, however, has alleviated the feel-good element of Myanmar's reform and reminded everyone that the state is facing considerable challenges. In the April 2012 by-elections there was a huge win for 42 NLD contenders, among them Aung San Suu Kyi, who became de facto head of the NLD.
Myanmar presided over the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014, which it was refused membership in 2006. Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD's close silences about the violent breakout between Buddhists and Muslims, first in the state of Rakhine and later in other parts of the land, were also criticized.
When Thein Sein came to rule, he made the end of the civilian conflicts that afflicted Myanmar in recent times one of the most important priorities. That ignored the fact that the Kachin Independence Army, the Shan State Army and the United Wa State Army had declined to join and that these important insurgent forces still controlled the most territories and the most weapons.
Cancellations by the federal administration of a by-election in 2014 and the cleansing of Shwe Mann in August 2015 as lower house spokesman and USDP leader (he would make Aung San Suu Kyi too forgiving in the ministry and former generals' eyes) heralded a wake-up call for the parliamentary elections in November 2015.
Despite a last-minute effort by the Chinese authorities to postpone the elections on the excuse of the floods in China, the elections went according to plan. The Aung San Suu Kyi faction had won 79% of the votes (235 in the lower house and 135 in the House of Lords of the nationalities), thus gaining an absolute parliamentary vote in both buildings.
Ceremonies erupted throughout the entire state when the US presidency and the army agreed to the loss and said they would reward the outcomes.