What Form of Government does Myanmar haveWhich form of government does Myanmar have?
Myanmar's uniquely challenging
Mr Aung San Suu Kyi speaks to a host of National League of Democracy supporter. One year ago, a new era was opened in the story of Myanmar (Credit: Ye Naung/Jazz Editions/ABACA/PA). Aung Sang Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) took up her post in April 2016 after winning a major electoral win in November last year.
It was this pacific transformation to democracy that culminated in a notable and largely unforeseen opening by the stalled army rule that had governed the state for five centuries. NLD has started to address the tough challenge of reform in one of the worlds most impoverished states. This is a challenge that is unique and highly intricate.
If we compare Myanmar with the destilled experiences of some fifty states that have made their own democratically significant changes in the last forty years, we can see why. Demokraties are almost always facing a hard time. Serious issues - in other words, a period of economical collapse, a period of societal conflicts and a period of military failure - have subverted the current dictatorial system and opened it up.
So, it is inevitable that the successful democracies inherit their own issues. Moreover, many changes are also "pacted", i.e. between the powers of the old and the new regimes. Myanmar was no different. This all means that new democratically elected leadership will not come to government on their own conditions, but on those that have been bargained with their forerunners.
There are three types of challenge resulting from this problem plus pair. First, how does it work? Secondly, how does riches work? Thirdly: How does it work? Burma is one of a kind when it comes to meeting all three major issues. At this juncture, the part of the army is crucial.
With the largest floor in its hands, it can prevent a passage or eliminate a democracy if it believes its interests are seriously at stake. As in Myanmar, the army was the old mode and not just a serving man, transitional was a more profound culturally and organizationally-challenged one.
Not only must the army entrust a new government with its allegiance, but it must also respect its submission to civic authorities. Nevertheless, civil-military relationships have been a successful history in recent years, and interventions to stop or jeopardize democratization are seldom. However, the balance sheet in Myanmar is more complicated and equivocal. The NLD, while the NLD was permitted to take over and form a government, seems resolved to maintain efficient oversight over the main areas of politics, in particular internal politics and internal politics.
Burma seems far from reaching "objectiveivilian oversight ", Samuel Huntington's classical report on solid and efficient civil-military relationships in a democrat. In this respect, the changeover is still not complete. The economy is now a topprioritity. Militarily bound "Crony" interests that have flourished under the former regimes may need to be handled with caution. All too often, elitist battles over accessing rent for resources have hindered the process of democratisation and seriously disrupted the economy.
Thirdly, how does it work? The most recent experiences show that conflicts over identities can be the greatest challenges to the instability of a newracy. New freedom of language and opinion in many aspiring democratic countries has enabled the rejoicing and revitalisation of long oppressed or disheartened natural, cultural, religious and other foundations of affiliation.
This is exacerbated by the capacity to disseminate rumors and "fake news" quickly and on a massive scale. 2. The tragedy is that Myanmar has seen this and will probably do so. Escalating conflicts and serious violations of people' s freedoms is the most worrying trend in the NLD since it took over.
Myanmar therefore faces all three great issues that a new democracy can bring with it. Always in particularly urgent cases. With much of the country's natural resources on its outskirts, this could in turn lead to further armed action to prevent a threat to Myanmar's regional identity.
It is a flawless tempest, and it shows how the new democratic challenge must be united. None of this is a council of desperation, nor is it a fail. With Myanmar having a tough poker hand ahead of it, his political decisions will decide whether to make this one.
Because of the extent of these issues, the government needs to put its money into the ability to act as prudently as possible. The WFD programs combine Parliament' s and party-political know-how to support the transition to democratisation in less developed states.