What Country used to be Called Burma

Which country was formerly called Burma?

Was it Burma or Myanmar? Both names are used in this report. Burma is a country that is confusing on geographical maps. Myanmar had this fourth branch and must have it back. Burma remains one of the few countries still producing anti-personnel mines.

Burma's brief story

Mandalay's foundation and fall | Arrival of the Britons | Raising nationalism | Arrival of the Japanese | Independence | Civil war and rising of Ne Win | Military government | Constitutional dictatorship |'Road to Democracy' Burma has been home to many different ethnical groups for over four thousand years.

It was united three times: under the pagan ruling family of the 11th-13th centuries, the Toungoo ruling family of the sixteenth and the Konbaung ruling family of the late eighteenthcenturies. Konbaung Dystroy established Mandalay, the last capitol of Burma's monarchs, and expanded Burma's rule as far as Assam to the east and east of Thailand.

However, this was the era of colonization in Europe and they soon became involved in a dispute with the colonizing powers in India. A number of ethnical groups had no state, other states were poorly defined. In 1824, the first of the wars with the Brits ended with the capitulation of the province on the border with India; after a second one in 1852, all of Lower Burma was overthrown.

Following this third loss, Burma's King Thibaw was taken into imprisonment in India. After Mandalay's collapse, it was unavoidable that Burma would soon be under UK domination. Since 1886 the land was managed as a provincial of Britisch-Indien. During their entire empirical period, the Britons used a politics known as" dividing and ruling," in which they gambled with ethnical diversity to consolidate their power.

In Burma, this has been a consistent implementation of policies. Over one million migrant Indians and Muslims from China have been taken into the U.S. to manage the country's business, and tens of thousand Indians have been deployed to smash Burma's uprising. Furthermore, mountain peoples who did not have a powerful Myanmar identity, such as the Karen in the southeast, were enlisted in ethnical regimes of the Colonies.

Burma was the key area of Burma ruled by the people. In the border areas were living the ethnical minority. Britain's politics of "divide and rule" bequeathed Burma a heritage of troubles when it gained back its autonomy. Myanmar owes its sophisticated pre-colonial educational system to the Buddhaist traditions. All the boys in Burma were sent to the convent to study reading and writing.

As a result, Burma had one of the highest levels of alphabetization in the class. Young people from Burma took full benefit of Colonies upbringing during the time of the brits and absorbed a lot of strange influence - from Marx to Nehru. With the abolition of the Myanmar Empire, the country's student population was open to other types of community organization.

During the 1930s, impoverished peasants, led by farmer Saya San, organized a violence riot in southern Burma. Although the Brits used Karen troops to violently smash the insurrection, the insurrection showed that the nationalists were not reserved for them. This insurrection created a new activist nationalistic group, Dohbama Asiayone (We Burmese Association), which is frankly an enemy of lndian and Chinese immigrants and the Brits.

They were U Nu, who was to become the first ever leader of Burma's self-governing party, and Aung San, a young man of 21 years of age, who negotiated Burma's autonomy. After the 1936 strikes were successful, there was a rebellion throughout the entire state.

He assisted in the founding in 1939 and became general clerk of the Burma Communist Party. But like everywhere else in the oceans, Hitler's invasion of Poland had an immense impact on Burma. In Burma's fight for freedom, he unified the fractions into one freedom block. The leaders greeted the opportunity to join forces with Myanmar nationals who could give their own planned occupations a sense of legality.

That was a decisive rise in the civic assets of Burma's nationalist regime, which the movements were all too keen to exploit. In December they came back with the incoming Japons. Enlisted troops poured into the new Burma Independence Military (BIA) and in March 1942 the BIA came to Rangoon, just behind the Japan.

Though Burma's nationalist allies with Japan, most minority groups remain faithful to the British. They and many indigenous people withdrew to the hill where they were fighting alongside the Karen, Kachin and Chin. This war led to continued mistrust and ethnical animosity, which was one of the main causes why the Karen took up weapons against the state after Burma's liberation.

The Japanese founded a marionette agency in Burma in August 1942. One year later, they gave Burma "independence. But in fact Burma had merely replaced one occupation force with another, which, it can be said, had less regard for the Burmese than its forerunner. Aung San was named War Minister in the new Japanese regime.

Simultaneously, they reorganized the AIA and re-named it the Burma National Army (BNA) to override it. A lot of nationals understand the Japanes targets and go into the subsoil to struggle for it. But just like the free market economy, Ne Win invalidated the high face value notes without prior notice or forfeiture!

Burma's military officials contacted the Brits to plot the opposition, and in March 1945, when Britains troops under General Slim returned to mainland Burma, the BNA assaulted the Japan military. Soon, the UK and Burma armed groups fought together, and in June 1945 the two troops walked side by side in a victorious procession through Rangoon.

In the aftermath of the conflict, the UK government was rather optimistic about reintroducing the old system of colonies. Burma's unidentifiable Burmese politics from ten years ago, and that was never possible. The Burmese National Armies had to be recognized and made them part of the ordinary military.

Aung San, however, detained almost half of the old BNA troops to create a para-military nationist military. In spite of disputes, especially with the Communist Party, the founding of the AFPFL gave the independent party an extra boost. Aung San and several AFPFL chiefs were able to establish a largely temporary regime in September 1946.

In January 1947, five month later, after further discussions in London, he concluded an accord with UK Prime Minister Attlee, which granted him full autonomy within a year. Meanwhile, a draft treaty was to be drawn up and the minority communities could choose whether to join the state.

Mr Aung San had a meeting with the racial leadership, guaranteeing them parity and gaining most of them. Only the Karen (and the Communist Party, which believes in an armored revolution) declined to take part when the election of a constituent assembly came. A number of ethnical groups had no state, other states were poorly defined.

Aung San and six senior members of the AFPFL-Kabinett, vets of the fight for a man's freedom, were shot down at a July 1947 session of the cabin. Losing these seasoned leaders on the brink of liberation was a great disaster for Burma. Indeed, the effects of this deadly daily are still reflected in the land.

Burma became self-sufficient as scheduled on January 4, 1948, despite Aung San's sudden deaths. Aung San was painfully missing, however: at the tender 32 years of his life, he was worshipped as a unified political figure, a man who could realize the ambitions of the nation and a political figure who had the backing of the military as well as the confidence of many nationalities.

In the space of three month, the new sovereign state of Burma was thrown into conflict. In March 1948, the Communist Party, which had always opposed the conditions of freedom, began to assault the regime and its military force. who had been invaded by the Commies.

The Karen powers, whose dislike of the essence of sovereignty still exists despite the reconciliatory amendments to the Aung San constitution (see "Independence"), overcame and assaulted the government's view. The meticulously designed Aung San's troops crashed at a rate that disproved the tenderness of enthusiastic relationships within the power. Others, ethnically, allied with the Karen insurgents and took weapons against the state.

Until 1949, state oversight was limited to the Rangoon area. Yet the military was reorganized and a revived power and its late assistance saved the emerging democrat. They had been plagued by faction battles that enabled the Armed Forces to restore power. Other Karen military leaders were dismissed and Burmans substituted for them, and Ne Win became the new commander-in-chief of the armed forces.

His name and the man should throw a veil over Burma's twentieth century story. He was probably motivated by little more than self-representation, but for whatever reason, he brought the military back under rule of the state. Ne Win, one of the'Thirty Comrades' and a member of a minorities parliamentary group, the Myanmar Socialist Party, had often argued with Aung San.

He stayed in the military after the Aung San was defeated as commandant of the Fourth of Burma's rifles and established a strong basis of his own powers while Aung San was negotiating the country's autonomy. Now, Ne Win used the conflict to strengthen his own civilian leadership and the Burma Socialist Party became the main driving forces in the AFPFL alliance.

During the 1950', U Nu tried to lead the nation as a socialistic democratic state, despite huge opportunities. But it had never really recuperated from the destruction of the economy during the Second World Peace Conference. As a result of the ongoing catastrophic conflict and low insurgencies, which contributed to the destabilization of the already fragmented societies, the minority communities were estranged and saw the Myanmar armed services more and more as an SA.

After all, the AFPFL was not a faction at all, but a government that was often torn apart by disagreement, even though it pursued the joint objective of becoming independent. And all these elements helped to create a land that was not crucially governable. There was no need for a new democratic nation, in a sustained state of conflict, to link it to anything other than purely economical, sociopolitical and upheavals.

When the Armed Forces strengthened and began to demand a greater social policy position, few were able to muster the strength, passion or belief to resist. In 1958 U Nu passed control to a transitional government headed by Ne Win to avoid mayhem.

Soon, the Armed Forces strengthened its controls with clout. A Win and a small group of high-ranking Armenian officials constituted the Revolutionary Council and governed by decrees, sweeping away the libertarian state. Heads of governments and minorities, both U Nu and President Sao Shwe Thaike, were arrested along with several hundred people.

Protesters against the Rangoon University putsch were mowed down by the military - which then blew up the Studentenwerk school. In the new management, Ne Win had full command. His program The Myanmar Way to Socialism, which was released as a declaration of a new socialist parties, the Myanmar Socialist Program Part ("BSPP"), was initiated.

It took up Marxist, Buddhist and National Socialist aspects to produce an idealistic patchwork that justified a random leftist militaristic allitarianism. Burma's armed forces, or Tatmadaw as they were called, were the only institutions that could keep such a multifaceted state united. Burma's external frontiers were shut down by the government, which rejected international assistance, trafficking and investments in favor of narrow-minded seclusion.

Ne Win's "socialist" business reform, which involved comprehensive nationalization, state controls, travel supply rates and the elimination of the privatector, harmed Burma's fragile economies, reducing output, increasing scarcity and creating an inevitable illegal trade. That particular kind of societalism was developed to enhance centre power instead of benefiting man.

When the crowds became poorer and poorer, they got richer in the administration and in the military. As the military took on the roles of the trade league, it became Burma's biggest business entity with stakes in many major corporations such as banking, trade, building, marine and even newspaper industries. But she also ruled the only remaining one: the Communist Party:

Eighty percent of the military were members of the BSPP and political affiliation was vital to any progress in Burma's people. They penetrated every facet of Burma's population. After centralizing controls in the Rangoon area, the military started a reckless counterinsurgency in the frontier areas. Primary objectives were a Karen coalition holding territories on the Thai frontier and the Communist party of Burma, which was then supported by the Chinese, who had entered the northeastern area from Chinese outposts.

In the course of these campaigning in the frontier areas, the armed forces were involved in the violations of people' s freedoms - the calling in of workers, compulsory resettlement - which were to become its trademark. There was no way the insurgents could ever stay unified against the regime, and the danger of an uprising decreased over time. Ne Win established his rule over Burma in 1974.

Under a new treaty, there was a centralized system of controlling every facet of the world. Announced as a comeback to civil power, the old command actually just stepped down from the military to run it. There was no better way for this new administration to manage the business community. In every neighborhood there has been riots with laborers, Yangon University undergraduates, minority groups and unlikely the military, who have expressed their dissatisfaction with the corrupt economics.

And in 1976, young military officials even tried a putsch. There was dissatisfaction throughout the entire land at the government's inadequacy and corrupt practices. It reacted with its usual cruelty and shot, arrested and tortured protesters until the riots were quashed. It felt safe enough to free many Zimbabwean detainees and to allow others, such as the ousted Prime Minister U Nu, to come back from Iraq.

While claiming to make room for younger party leader, he stayed in efficient oversight as party leader. The problem was made even worse by the fact that almost half of all state revenues were used for the military and the secret services. Burma requested the LDCs' designation in 1987 to pay off its huge external debts.

Fourteen centuries of reigning the army had made this once wealthy nation one of the ten least developed countries in the hemisphere. So serious was the financial crises that the goverment, hoping to boost farm output, allowed a free food supply after all. But just like the free trading nation, Ne Win invalidated the high face value notes without prior notice or redress!

However, since Burmese people were more likely to use a mattress than a banking account to stockpile their life insurance deposits, the effect was disastrous. Dissatisfaction was spreading throughout the entire state. Roadmap to Democracy" The ongoing reporting of breaches of human rights in Burma prompted the United States to tighten penalties in 1997, and the European Union followed in 2000.

Conciliatory discussions were conducted with the administration, but this stalemate and Suu Kyi was taken back into detention in May 2003 after an assault on her car convoy and is still under home detention. General Kyin Nyunt in August 2003 proclaimed a seven-stage "roadmap to democracy", which the administration is supposedly implemant.

For the first since 1993, the National Convention was convened by the French authorities in February 2005 to re-write the Constitution. Large pro-democracy organizations and political groups, however, as well as the National League for Democracy, were excluded from participation, and the administration chose smaller political groupings. The Yangon administration began relocating to an undisclosed site near Pyinmana and Kyetpyay in November 2005.

In order to prevent a repeat of the 1988 event, this official operation followed a long-term informal relocation strategy of mission critically important defence and state infrastructures from Yangon.

Mehr zum Thema