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Myanmar's great hopes do not meet Aung San Suu Kyi's ambitions | World Press Releases
This screenplay asked the protagonist, a Nobel laureate, to take power over a land, bringing freedom where there were conflicts, and wealth where there was impoverishment. But, like many tragedies - especially in the last 12 month - the screenplay has not been followed by Myanmar and its de facto head, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Instead, these are dramatically escalating ethical disputes that have been bubbling and exploding occasionally for centuries; a new Rohingya Muslim uprising that has led to an attack by the military on humanitarianism; a riot of online slander cases that have triggered a fear of free expression; and a oppressive judicial frame that has enabled the Gen... so many to still be imprisoned.
All the time, Aung San Suu Kyi is charged with staying quiet and persistently shunning the medium. There were many who ran the campaigns on the liberals' side. The dubious management of Aung San Suu Kyi, her incapacity or lack of willingness to convey a view, and her aversion to speaking out against the prosecution of minority groups have posed the issue of whether the folk tale is out of place.
It is a sharp contradiction to Aung San Suu Kyi, who spent 15 years under detention at her mansion on the shore of the lake on University Avenue in Yangon, making talks about people' s freedoms through the door. Naypyidaw, Myanmar's dystopic capitol, is located five driving lessons from Yangon, and it is set in a dense wooded mountain landscape.
Here, in the so-called Kings' Residence, allegedly constructed to protect Myanmar's general from attacks, Aung Sun Suu Kyi is living in the middle of a countryside of abandoned 20-lane motorways and magnificent luxury hotel complexes. She has developed a custom during her captivity of waking up before sunrise and meditating in the home she shared with her domestic and a small entourage of handmaid.
One Yangon resident psychiatrist working on the peacemaking trial said she often does not receive good advice. He said the goverment was "so centralized that it is a source of total fear". That is not the kind of cabinet that many had been hoping for when the National League for Democracy (NLD) took power last year after winning the 2015 elections.
It must be admitted that the conditions of this Myanmar earthquake were anything but perfect for a coherent and efficient governance. However, the choice and transmission of authority from the former military-backed administration went smoothly. Mr Aung San Suu Kyi has freed numerous Zimbabwean detainees. The EU heralded the establishment of an advising committee chaired by Kofi Annan for the state of Rakhine, where the Muslim Rohingya majority has been prosecuted for many years.
In August, large peacemaking discussions were conducted with gunmen. And Aung San Suu Kyi had no option. But the only guys with cabinet credentials were from the last one. However, she should have a small web and trusts the humans only slowly, a bequest of her home rest and her afterlife.
It was said to the lawmakers of the Dutch National Democratic Party not to talk to the press in the run-up to the elections, and then they were ordered not to ask difficult issues in it. Silences in October, when a new crises spread in the state of Rakhine, and in November, when four ethnically militarized groups form a new coalition in the South.
Before she took up her post, she said Aung San Suu Kyi made freedom a top order of her work. Aung San Suu Kyi is a Bamar Buddhist from the dominating ethnical group. "Since 1989, the woman," as she is affectionately known throughout the entire nation, has established a fan base of Myanmar's broken tribes by travelling to the frontier areas, often in traditional attire.
Your administration has issued declarations denouncing abuse by ethnically based groups and disregarding the military's aggressive actions. She has a strategic plan, the peacemaker said: As early as 2012, Aung San Suu Kyi's squeaky-clean picture had become blurred when she failed to make a statement after a wave of cultist brutality that resulted in the death of several hundred lives, mostly Rohingya Muslims, in the state of Rakhine.
With an obvious admission to internal racial groups, her political group blockaded the candidacy of Muslims for office in 2015. Rakhine State, a tinder box of tensions between the Rohingya Muslim minorities and the major Buddhists, represents the greatest ethical challenges of their leaders. North of the country blew up on October 9 after nine Rohingya policemen were slaughtered with weapons and more.
The message came to Aung San Suu Kyi in the midnight. On the following day she called a gloomy get-together with senior civil servants and policemen. Ten thousand Rohingya, who many in Myanmar consider to be" Bengali" refugees from Bangladesh, escaped across the borders into shelters. The Aung San Suu Kyi administration has fiercely denounced many of the allegations as "forgeries.
However, last weeks State Department said that a UN decision to deploy an autonomous intergovernmental fact-finding missions to Myanmar would "do more to ignite the problems at this juncture than to solve them". An ambassador from Southeast Asia said that three month had elapsed before Aung San Suu Kyi's vice president in the State Department paid a visit to the Bangladeshi diplomatic missions.
Diplomats said they were offering to retaliate some Rohingya, but did not refer to tens of thousand others who have lived in Bangladesh since escaping earlier atrocities. "We have not yet seen a specific sign of how the Rakhine state can really be addressed," the man said.
Myanmar's State Department did not react immediately to comments. Very few who know her believe that Aung San Suu Kyi is biased, even though she is fearful of being portrayed as cozy with Muslims by mighty, extremist influences of Buddhism. However, when one of her advisors, a celebrity Moslem attorney, was murdered 10 month after her reign, her silences astonished many.
Aung San Suu Kyi made no comments to the general assembly for a whole period of one months. However, even in those areas that fall within its remit, the authorities are considered inadequate. NLD parliament's overwhelming support gives it the opportunity to change and delete repressive legislation, with the infamous 66D provision in the Telecom Act, which was used to lock many individuals up for Facebook postings criticising the regime and the poor.
But instead, NLD high-level officers began to prosecute some of the cases against the highest level of the state. Up to early 2017, at least 38 individuals were indicted for online slander, some of whom had nothing to do with the NLD, among them two men reportedly complaining drunk about Aung San Suu Kyi and one who named her marionette chairman, Htin Kyaw, an "idiot.
Meanwhile, Aung San Suu Kyi continues to receive the advantage of question. Very few support the appointment of a UN-backed committee of enquiry - the highest investigative body - on the Rohingya war. The Aung San Suu Kyi helpers refused to accept inquiries for an interviewer. Up to now, the administration has successfully fought bribery and promoted a free expression environment, he said, adding: "There is an case for both sides" for the 66D-terms.
Aung San Suu Kyi was the only decision-maker in her office, he said. He has been informed by members of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Parties that they intend to contest the state consultation of Aung San Suu Kyi as an unconstitution. The Rohingya view of Win Htein reflects shared prejudice in Myanmar.
The" Islamic lobby", he said, exaggerated the group' s predicament, although 120,000 people have been living in Rakhine state for years. Aung San Suu Kyi is not speaking for Win Htein. However, it seemed appropriate to ask if he thought she might have personal compassion for the Rohingya.