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Aung San Suu Kyi accuses Burma of violent behaviour of'climate of fear'.

Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's head of the Burmese political party, has held what she has called the "climate of fear" responsible for the intensification of tension between Muslims and Buddhists. When asked about the plight of 140,000 Muslims who have been evicted from their houses, she said that many Buddhists have also escaped from Burma, also known as Myanmar.

Suu Kyi denies that Muslims have been exposed to racial clean-up. Since she was released from home prison two years ago, she has been criticized for not protecting Muslims. In the last two years there has been an outbreak of force between Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in the state of Rakhine. Confrontations also took place between Buddhists and Muslims in mainland Burma.

They have endured the most terrible acts of brutality, killing several hundred, often by groups of Mexicans equipped with weapons such as swords and canes. "Moslems were target, but Buddhist people were also victims of war. It said that the tension had also been aroused by a world-wide awareness - also in Burma - that Burma's overall Islamic powers were "very great".

2015 elections in Burma | Human Rights Watch

{ Moulmein} - It's a peaceful afternoons at the Mon National Partys ( "MNP") HQ in Moulmein's Myaingtharyar area. Theim Naing Ngwe, the 94 year old leader of the CDU, and Thein Naing Ngwe, his 80 year old number two, speak about the course of their parties - one of two big Mon factions - in alternation self-confident and in awe.

In many respects, the basic shortcomings of the election procedure are exacerbated within the boundaries of the campaign of democratic political groups. Legislation, which grants 25 per cent of state-level MPs the right to vote, also covers local and state assemblies. This means in Mon State that the army has 8 of the 31 offices and the ethnical political groups are fighting hard for the country of origin in.

Given that almost all Naypyidaw's centralised politics, an ethnical parliamentary group would still exercise little independence or scrutiny. To the members of the Mon Fellowship, these frictions are seen only as one aspect of a long and broad history of oppression under the Bamar dominance. Burma's indigenous minorities, representing up to 40 per cent of the Burmese people, have been in fierce conflicts with the army regimes for many years in their fight for self-determination, respect for ethical values, a federated system of governance and inequality.

In 1962, Nay Lin Oo, a Mon defender of humankind, tells how his dad escaped into the jungles when General Ne Win eliminated the Mon People's Front (MPF) and detained all Mon chiefs and all those who tried to learn Mon languages or cultur. Forty five years later, Naing Ngwe Theim was detained during a massive arrest of ethnical leader as part of the suppression of the September 2007 pro-democracy protes.

"We were colonised by will, now they are colonising us by ethnical and social[means]," says Nay Lin Oo, and reflects the ruling classes. The New Mon State Party (NMSP) controlled area of the village sent a motion against the ruling, which many Mon chiefs considered a USDP policy to deprive racial people.

Mon state law enforcement recently said it will be recruiting Tatmadaw (Burmese military) to ensure safety at 67 polling points across the state, where they have identified the threat of "sudden violence", a potentially daunting element for communities where Tatmadaw has long been an attacker. Though the Mon ethnical candidate may have won all along the line, they are still faced with a centralised administration, an established army and an immobile state.

The struggle for ethnical political groups is different from the rise of the NLD to the top - it is about exposure and representationalism, no matter how superficial, about a place at the dinner footing and about trying to fit a thin rift of independent decision-making into an otherwise manipulated system.

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