Us Embassy Burma

We Embassy Burma

While the US Embassy is deeply concerned about reports of an intensification of military action in Kachin State and Northern Shan State. People of Myanmar must apply for a visa to enter America. It is advisable to bring enough cash (US dollars) to stay in Myanmar during your stay.

U.S. embassy cable: Burma's democratic movements withheld by''uncles'' US Intelligence

The Yangon pol/econ boss embassy is leaving the post this weekend after ending a two-year road trip that brought with it the biggest Burma riot in 20 years, the arrests and detentions of the most gifted pro-democracy leader and the most devastating catastrophe in Burma's entirety. They were asked to give their honest comments on the present policy context and their suggestions on how best to promote our own democracies.

The Burmese military will remain tightly under command in most of the land, with Senior General Than Shwe almost maintaining total command. It has the last say in all important policy and business matters. Perhaps portrayed by strangers as an illiterate, blatant and clumsy man, he has successfully established and maintained his position in government while at the same times establishing profitable relations with his energy-hungry neighbours, undermining West cripples.

{\a6} (C) The general keeps his authority through a huge system of commercial sponsorship, no different from a Western-style mafia. Wealth can only be achieved if we assert ourselves in the army or if we have very strong links with the seniors. That is why China's pressure on the Burmese general to start the reform of the Burmese national economy has fallen on deaf ears. As a result, China has not been able to meet the challenge.

Economical liberalisation and reforms would demand of the general to abolish exactly the system that secures their clout. The dismantlement of this system will be one of the greatest challenge for any prospective Burmese democracy leaders. Rumours of divisions at the head of the government are the product of ignorant analyses and pipe dreams of exile and external commentators.

Whereas the older commanders are divided from one to the other from now on ( "Nargis"), they are following the orders of Than Shwe. Older commanders are well conscious that if they do not stick together, they will collapse. Real changes in democracy will probably not take place until the two leading general leaders, Than Shwe and Maung Aye, have disappeared from the world.

Third-placed General Thura Shwe Mann is to be Than Shwe's 2010 election as Burmese president, but if Than Shwe and Maung Aye are still around, they will probably be pulling his threads behind the scene. Wells near Thura Shwe Mann tell us that he is clever, refined and conscious of Burma's hassles.

A number of gifted Myanmar intelligentsia and dissident politicians tell us that they are handing him policies that are allegedly being requested on his account. He is closely linked to Burma's bribery, however, especially through his sons' commercial interests. {\a6} (C) Several of our resources near senior and middle level army officials tell us that some of the region's commandoes are pro-reflective and conscious of the need for local and international reforms.

But most militaries believe that working within Burma's present army system is the only way to achieve this transformation while preserving it. Whilst some officials are reluctant to show Aung San Suu Kyi some sympathy with the pro-democracy opponents in general. Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy is a very different phenomenon from Aung San Suu Kyi's (NLD) grand coalition with huge numbers of supporters awaiting the seat they won in the 1990 elections.

Aung San Suu Kyi undoubtedly continues to be a favorite and loved character of the Burmese minority, but her political group does not enjoy this state. Disgruntled by the clerotic regime of the older NLD "Uncle", the NLD already lacked even more legitimacy within the pro-democracy movements than its leader last September failed to back the protesters and even criticised them outright.

Many of the younger party politicians are turning away from the NLD and getting ready to run in the 2010 general polls to bring about every possible kind of policy break. The 88 Generation Leader in Insein Jail is reported to be engaged in an on-going, fierce discussion as to whether or not the members of the group should deny the vote, with Ko Ko Ko Gyi in favour and Min Ko Naing boycotting.

But since there is no other option, they see the new parliament as a possible means of facilitating dialog between the army, the pro-democracy opponents and the ceasefire people. The way the NLD is run by the Uncle shows that the NLD is not the last great hopeful for Burma and democrat.

" Young people from the Netherlands and Germany keep complaining to us that they are disappointed with the partisans. Repetitive overture and" summit meetings" with the 88 Generation Leader in 2007 did not lead to any significant collaboration between the caucuses. Indeed, the absence of unification of the pro-democracy opposition continues to be one of the major barriers to Burma's transition to a more inclusive and inclusive world.

The" uncles" have on several occasions rejected the most energetic and prodemocracy opponents who revived the pro-democracy movements in 2006 and 2007, making a strategic commitment to promoting transformation through people' s respect for fundamental freedoms and politics and highlighting their regimes economical maladministration. Neither has the Greens made any efforts to join together with the technologically adept blogs and young, Internet-savvy campaigners who have managed to extract the pictures that continue to damage the government and undermine its global legitimacy.

The ceasefire groups continue to be an important part of Burma's forthcoming international peace process, and it is remarkable that no one has decided to back Aung San Suu Kyi and her group. Instead, they have engaged in dialog with the government and at the same token cut back on profitable concessions contracts for many group chairmen.

Many ceasefire group heads have said to us, however, that they would throw their fate with the person who best represents their interests. No matter how bad the government does this, the NLD has on several occasions failed to seize the opportunity to show the ceasefire groups that they would do it. Instead, it has made repeated declarations demanding that the NLD and the government engage in dialog before the ceasefire groups are involved.

You have also been constantly arguing with the elected members of the People's Parliament Representation Committee (CRPP). Since the ceasefire groups have been prevented from breaking out of their dialog with the government and forming an association with the NLD, it is these long-standing ethical clashes that have prevented them from doing so. Most of Burma's neighbours, China included, are conscious of clashes between the NLD and the country's people.

NLD's continued estrangement of indigenous minorities gives faith to the regime's most powerful case with its neighbours and ASEAN: that the army is the only power able to guarantee Burma's security. What she was offering to racial nations was greeted by the ceasefire group leader we were talking to.

However, her group did not take her lead and only half-heartedly invited her to the NLD head office in Rangoon. ASSK' s declaration was strategic: shortly before the constitutional vote, with which many of the ceasefire groups were dissatisfied because the government had not accepted the promises made by former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt before his removal from office.

The NLD's real ouverture provided the best ever prospect of separating the ceasefire groups from the régime and undermining its credence with its people. Their uncles did not take this occasion, so the ceasefire groups continued their relations with the government. {\a6} (C) There is still a great deal of dissatisfaction and increasing dissatisfaction with the government because of its violent and inexpert reign throughout the state.

Although most Burmese do not believe that the NLD will be able to achieve democratization, at least while ASSK is under home detention, they have not given up working for it. Notwithstanding the many community-based organisations (CBOs), church organisations and civic groups that reacted to Cyclone Nargis while the entire Burmese population was excluded from the world, many political and political parties are trying to integrate democratically sound policies into their civic programmes, which include public schooling, environment programmes, public education and religio.

As a result of this trial, the transformation will be slower than most people want, but it is a conduit that works where most other option were turned off by the government after the September 2007 democril. It' also a way of promoting grassroots transformation and educating communal ownership at the grassroots rather than a top-down move of the city' s intelligentsia.

There is a powerful civic community that we should be looking for and promoting in Burma. This will make any Burmese democratically viable. The cessation of Burma's encapsulation will also be an essential part of any prosperous long-term transformation in the state. Regardless of how the Burmese democracy process is achieved, the army will be part of the process due to its full scrutiny of the country's civilian and financial structure.

Let us try to visit and talk to the more advanced army officials and those who have contact with the higher commanders. Her animosity towards democracy changes is driven by indignation and mistrust of the West, and the faith that we are trying to sanction her and wipe out an important part for her in Burma's destiny.

In order to prevent this, we should have direct contact with them, not through mediators who can sometimes distort the message. {\a6} (C) If we choose to talk to the Gentiles again, we should do so in a strategic way. Dialog could be used as a means to take the general into the 21st and 21st centuries.

Debates could take place in the fringes of multinational forums that expose Burma to the outside environment and its diplomacy standards, confronting Burma's underdevelopment to the contemporary realm, which could give the general a greater insight into their country's underdevelopment. Thorough preparations could be made before such incidents to ensure that Burma's neighbours are sending the same message to the leaders during their bi-lateral missions.

This embassy unit has moved the government very effectively to open up to foreign aid after Cyclone Nargis. Burma's largest customer states are refusing to join in. Nonetheless, the commanders disdain penalties and want them to be lifted because they call into question the legitimate nature of the system. We really want the gendarmes to make headway, we have to show them what they get for it.

That means that we are prepared to progressively lift penalties and to take genuine measures towards dialog and policy changes. We should begin small and get them to act (as opposed to the fake dialog they allegedly entered into with Aung San Suu Kyi last November). Such as deletion from category 3 of the human traffic ranking or deletion from the main drug traffickers lists, areas in which the government has actually made some work.

If we are serious about getting them off the crime scenes, we may also consider providing safety safeguards for the highest-ranking commanding commanders and their populations. The admission of world observers, the repeal of legislation restricting free and free debates and the release of important detainees could be linked to the repeal of certain sanction.

While the talks with the Burmese general may be unpleasant, their strong grip on Burma and the weak pro-democracy position of the opponents are a fact that we must take into account when we work for transformation in Burma. There is little chance of democratization in the near term, but despite the set-backs following the September rallies, there is still room for more.

Many Burmese, after many years of longing for the outside worlds to free them from the tyranny of the general, are discovering ways to take power over their land through community-based organisations and build the capacities of citizens. These organisations can create leadership that will run in the 2010 election and work for democracy transformation.

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