The Union of Myanmar

Union of Myanmar

Shanland is a unit separate from Burma," Khun Kya Bu begins his memoirs. It' existed without being part of Burma. Philip's visit to the Republic of Myanmar in the Republic of Myanmar' Other articles discussing the Revolutionary Council of the Union of Burma: It recognises the special place of Buddhism as the faith which the great majority of the citizens of the Union profess. The Union of Myanmar definition: ? The Union of Myanmar | meaning, pronunciation, translations and examples.

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Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma

Consistent with the Revolutionary Council's decision to convert the BSPP from a cadres to a grassroots political group, a new political grouping was drawn up in November 1969, which defines clear political groupings at provincial and municipal level, demands on political group memberships and special internal decision-making processes on the basis of "democratic centralism".

" But the Revolutionary Council pledged a shift from the reign of a narrow militarist ruling class to a "socialist democracy" with a wider basis for the people. With this in mind, General Ne Win and 20 other heads of the armed forces stepped down from their committees in April 1972, but U Ne Win remained PM and BSPP chief.

The BSPP First Congress, which took place in June/July 1971, formally adopted the BSPP Constitutional Charter and established a commission to draw up a new statute under the leadership of Brigadier San Yu, a member of the Revolutionary Council. The Second Congress in October 1973 adopted the Committee's constitutional proposal.

It was proclaimed on January 3, 1974; on March 2, 1974, the Revolutionary Council disbanded and transferred sovereignty to the new People' s Assembly (Pyithu Hluttaw). Mr U Ne Win became head of the new Burmese Union of Socialists. In the 1974 constitution's foreword, the new Soviet Union declared its belief in "socialist democracy" and "a free economy".

" There is only one acknowledgment of a particular socialist group, the BSPP. Most conspicuously, the 1947 and 1974 constitutions differ in the statute of their members. At the 1969 seminar of the parties, the quasi-federal structures and the specific ethnical nature of the states were eliminated in accordance with the following principle: "Our Union is only a homogenous whole.

For example, a chin can go wherever it wants within the Union and remain where it wants. That goes for a Burmese too. Anyone can participate in all matters of a politic, economical, administrative or legal nature. "In view of this presumption, U Ne Win argued: "We do not need separated regimes within the Union.

" Throughout the 1970s, the objectives of the country's nationhood and "socialist democracy" were still difficult to achieve. There was a strikes in May 1974 by oilfield operatives in Chauk who demanded higher salaries; the following months there was far more serious unrest than the Insein station protest against the scarcity of supplies and high pricing.

Former UN Secretary General U Thant passed away in New York on 25 November 1974. Burmese came out on the 5th of December, the date of his burial, to show their respect. Students took U Thant's casket and marched through the street before the protesters dug it up on the grounds of the torn down Rangoon University Studentenwerk.

Unrest followed throughout Rangoon, and student and monk demanded the fall of the "one-party regime". The members of the putsch group were apparently angry at the departure in March of another famous army official, Defence Minister Brigadier General Tin U, and pledged to reform the communist economy, which they regarded as a condemnation of the countrys growing poor.

The group, which consisted of Japan, the West and multi-lateral creditors such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, agreed to increase assistance to Burma and suggested a review of the country's welfare state. The Third Congress of the BSPP in February 1977 saw a cleansing of the Central Committee, and the former Soviet businessman U Ba Nyein and 40 others had to step down.

Congressional leaders came to the conclusion that the poor state of the country's economic system was due to poor political policies, not the "Burmese road to socialism". The BSPP Secretary General U San Yu demanded changes in the managers of state and co-operative companies and better inducements for individual manufacturers. After the Third Congressional Assembly in 1977, the influx of external assistance and investments, the expansion of a small privately owned business and the enhancement of state practices for the procurement of farmer-grower' s rices all helped to improve the country's economic situation.

Burma's remainder of the Indians, including both Muslims and Hindus, were somewhat concerned at the anticipated adoption of a new 1980 nationality bill that refused certain of Burma's non-Indigenous peoples (whose ancestors had not resided in Burma before 1824) certain legal and commercial freedoms. Burma's mission objected to Cuba's pro-Soviet approach to the meeting as a breach of the movement's fundamental tenets.

Burma's policy in the early 1980s showed little or no signs of unrest. Apart from the apparently never-ending insurrectionary activity in the border areas, the calmness of the ruling arenas was the hallmark of the city. A number of commentators saw the community as the beginning of a new relation between the state and the tanga, similar to the one that prevailed among the Myanmarese monarch.

Even though the regime did not give up the constitutional rule of separating churches and states, it was realized that U Ne Win, now an old man, accepted the air of a Buddhist traditionally ruling and protector of Burma. At the Fourth Congress of the BSPP in August 1981, U Ne Win declared his resignation as chairman after the October People's Assembly election.

Following the elections, he was replaced by Mr San Yu, the former Secretary-General of the BSPP, although he remained in office as Chairman of the BSPP. Win withdrew as president in 1981, but kept full power over the BSPP. Many speculations focused on the related issues of the post-U Ne Win regime and the scale of possible political shit when the ageing high political functionary eventually resigned.

His reign was not " contrary to the established model of Burma's leadership and, however, many people in Burma were thankful that their countries stayed autonomous and, unlike Afghanistan or Vietnam, had not been dragged into the war. However, at the end of the 1980' the "Burmese way to socialism" had triggered a serious bust.

The 25, 50 and 100 Kyat banknotes were dismantled without prior notice on 3 November 1985, although the general population was permitted to trade small quantities of the old banknotes for new ones. 75 Kyat grades were added on 10 November 1985, possibly due to the preference of Ne Win, the diktator, for numberology. The 75 Kyat grade was allegedly added to honour his 75th year.

This was followed by the launch of 15 and 35 Kyoto banknotes on August 1, 1986. General Ne Win on September 5, 1987 substituted the 75, 35 and 25 banknotes (Kyat in Burmese) with new banknotes, 45 and 90, which immediately erased the saving of million, as the foreign exchange of all other assets became denil.

However, General Ne Win's choice to change the new single market exacerbated the economy crises in the state. Ne Win resigned as Chairman of the BSPP on 23 July 1988. However, his retirement in 1988 did not lead him to withdraw from the policy arena, as he remained a major force in the game.

For several years he remains the most important protagonist of the nation and should maintain a significant clout.

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