Thailand News 20162016 Thailand News
The Thai authorities presented a UNHRC on 12 February in which they "attach the greatest importance to the advancement and defence of all sections of the population's basic and advanced forms of respect for inequality. "However, the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) Burma's regime has suppressed basic freedoms with impunity, strengthened the country's security forces and flagrantly ignored its commitments to respect internationally recognised humanitarian law.
Since taking office in May 2014, the NCPO June, headed by Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha, has pursued a policy and practice of increasing repression. At the heart of its governance is Section 44 of the 2014 Transitional Constitutional Treaty, which gives the Burmese government unrestricted executive, judicial and judicial authority and expressly prohibits any supervision or judicial accountability of the Burmese junta's deeds.
Rather than pave the way for a resumption of democracy in civil society, as pledged in its so-called "roadmap," the regime has introduced a policy that seems to extend the military's retention of control. Drafting a draft Constitution, drafted by a commission nominated by the Burmese regime, advocates irresponsible participation in leadership of the armed forces even after a new administration has taken over.
Governments have imposed press censure, monitored the web and on-line communication and severely curtailed freedom of speech. In April, for example, the army arrested Watana Muangsook, a former secretary, for four whole working day because he had made Facebook remarks against the bill, for which a plebiscite is planned for August 7.
Ever since the take-over, the regime has continued to pursue those it accused of being engaged in anti-coup activity or of assisting the ousted electoral state. A minimum of 46 individuals were indicted for their criticism of the Burmese army regime and their violation of the junta's prohibition on assembling. Thailand's dramatic laws against "insulting the monarchy" have often been applied by the state.
" Since the May 2014 putsch, the public administration has submitted at least 59 cases of Majesty, mainly for on-line comment. In a lawsuit to the tribunal on December 14, 2015, the regime charged a man who had spread Facebook sarcasm pictures and commentaries that were considered a mockery of the King's canine.
In August 2015, Pongsak Sriboonpeng was sentenced to 60 years in jail for his supposed Facebook posts (later to 30 years when he confessed guilty), the longest punishment for Reading Majesties in Thailand's annals. After the putsch, the regime has called on at least 1,340 campaigners, followers of parties and defence ers of humankind to question and "adapt" their policies.
Non-compliance with an NCPO subpoena is a crime that is being tried in armed forces tribunals. By order of the Burmese regime, the army can arrest and question individuals in secret without charges or trials, without having to seek legal counsel or protection against ill-treatment. However, the authorities have summarised their rejection of assertions that the army has been torture and ill-treatment of inmates.
It has stepped up the use of independent and non-compliant tribunals to bring civilian prisoners to justice, especially against dissident politicians and suspected majesties. At least 1,629 cases have been heard in Thai armed tribunals since May 2014. Thailand's police force continues to perpetrate serious breaches of fundamental freedoms.
Also, no criminal proceedings were taken against members of staff for serious violations in connection with counter-insurgency measures in the south of the Pattani, Narathiwat and Yala counties, where even Separist rebels have perpetrated many attacks. It has shown no interest in examining more than 2,000 extra-judicial murders in connection with the "war on drugs" of the then Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra in 2003.
Both Thai government and non-governmental organizations are continuing to use libel actions to take retaliatory measures against those who are reporting atrocities. They have also filed fictitious accusations against prosecutors of harassment and retribution. On 9 February, for example, Bangkok P.D. filed two accusations against the defendant Sirikan Charoensiri, who was linked to her June 2015 replacement of pro-democracy campaigners.
Little headway was made in attempting to take the culprits to court in the February 2015 assassination of landgun Chai Bunthonglek and three other Southern Peasants' Federation of Thailand militants who were gunned down in 2010 and 2012. A November 2015 World Accreditation Bureau proposed a downgrade of the Thai National Human Right Commission's statute due to concern over its inefficiency, insufficient autonomy and inadequate procedures for the selection of its members.
In January 2012 Thailand was a signatory to the UNFCCC, but did not ratify the agreement. Thailand's government has not yet solved any of the 64 cases of forced disappeared cases notified by Human Rights Watch, such as the March 2004 case of Somchai Neelapaijit, a celebrity Islamic attorney, and April 2014 case of Por Cha Lee Rakchongcharoen, an ethnical Karen campaigner known as "Billy".
While Thailand is a contracting part of the CBT, the government's failing to adopt a bill on the definition of torture was a serious obstacle to the enforcementa. In Thailand, there is still no special legislation providing for indemnification in the event of torture. Thailand-Italy is not a contracting state to the 1951 Refugee Conventions and their 1967 Protocol.
Thailand's administration treats applicants as irregular immigrants who must be arrested and deported without a proper trial to assert their rights. Thailand's repatriation of displaced persons and applicants for political refuge has been violently sent back to those areas where they could be prosecuted in breach of public order and because of protest by the UNHCR ( "United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees") and several missions.
Thailand's government has periodically stopped Rohingya vessels from Burma from landing by supplying basic aid and provisions and taking them back to hazardous waters. A series of attacks took place in May 2015 on a number of sites along the Thai-Malaysian frontier, where Rohingya was detained, misused and, in some cases, murdered in stables and barns by human traders who operated with the involvement of locals and federal officers.
Thailand has been hosting an internation gathering to talk about the thousand of Rohingya that have been beached at anchor. Unlike Malaysia and Indonesia, however, Thailand is refusing to work with the UNHCR to determine Rohingya fugitive statute and instead is keeping many in unlimited imprisonment. Thailand's authorities have intensified action against the trade in people.
Nonetheless, Burmese, Cambodian and Laotian immigrant labourers are still susceptible to abuse by human smugglers who facilitate trips to Thailand and to the confiscation of labour documentation and bonded labour. Recent interim passports granted by the Thai authorities to immigrants greatly limit their right to free circulation and make them susceptible to blackmail.
The trade with immigrants in sexual work, debt bondage or on Thai fishermen' s vessels for days or years continues to be an urgent problem.