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There is no peace": Traumatized Rohingya swear they will not return to Myanmar | World Newspaper
Beyond the Naf River of Myanmar, in the Rohingya REFugee Camp on the Bangladesh-Band, the injuries are too harsh: there is almost no one who thinks of returning. In spite of the systematic prosecution of Rohingya in Myanmar and the recent acts of repression, the most important response to the present crises facing refugees continues to be to be the restoration of refugees.
The return has not yet started, but the Myanmar authorities have formally agreed with Bangladesh to bring back some of the more than 800,000 Rohingya who have escaped across the borders for security reasons. Most Rohingya have been in this position before after fleeing the 1970' s and 1990'.
Nagumia, 82, is older than the land he escaped from, old enough to recall the soldier-politician General Aung San - Aung San Suu Kyi's dad - who won his country's independency. He says he would only consider returning to Myanmar if Rohingya was recognized as a citizen and her secure returns were assured by the United Nations.
In the huge encampments along the borders, his opposition to being repatriated is almost all-purpose. I won't get it back there," says one of them. A number of fugitives mentioned the death on Bangladesh territory as better than a homecoming. There is little confidence in the words of the Myanmar administration and its army in these centres.
Many, even if assurances have been given for the returners' own protection, are insisting that they will refrain from leaving Bangladesh. In spite of the precarious nature of living in temporary frontier camps, these places are for some the most secure for them. Rohingya refugees have published an informal set of conditions for their possible return on a volunteer basis.
Under Rohingya it is widespread in the wards. First and foremost is the call for Myanmar's Rohingya to be a citizen and to be officially recognised as an ethnical group within Myanmar, just as other nationalities are. They also insist on a comeback to their own land - not to the prison camp plans - and on equity for the horrors of 2017.
"These requirements must be fulfilled first, nationality, security, our nationality, before we can think of a return," says Mohammed Asad in Kutupalong Camp. Only the first point - nationality - seems to be a breach of contract. The Myanmar authorities have been refusing to recognize Rohingya as a lawful inhabitant of their own countries for generation after generation, although many Rohingya households, such as that of Nagumia, have been able to build their ties through the founding of the then known as Burma state in the twentieth world.
Rohingya was not only refused nationality but was also refused access to higher learning, certain employment and health care. Those who attacked Rohingya, which triggered the recent expedition, were described by the UN as "ethnic purge from the textbook". Many are skeptical that even if nationality were secured, it would provide Rohingya with adequate safeguards without an impartial observer, such as a UN missions, monitoring their comeback.
In addition to suspicion, the people in the Bangladesh refugee camp are well conscious of the situation in Myanmar. The UN Children's Organisation says that around 120,000 Rohingya - 60,000 of them are still left on the beach and "almost forgotten" in poor shelters in the state of Rakhine on the banks of the Rhine, where relief organisations are hindered from helping.
Marixie Mercador, spokesperson for Unicef, said the bearings were insulated, insalubrious and inhospitable. It is customary for people to die, and Mercador said that most Rohingya were "acutely afraid" of leaving the concentration camp. The repatriation of Myanmar returnees from Bangladesh was due to begin on 22 January. One group of expelled Hindus (not Muslim Rohingya) should be the first to come back - but this has been slow.
Myanmar says it's up now. "We' re now prepared to welcome them at the frontier when the Bangladeshi people take them on our side," said U Kyaw Tin, Secretary of Int'l Co-operation. However, the deadlock in a volunteer return programme for expelled Rohingya has also shown that there is no other way.
In Bangladesh, we have resolutely refused to take into account the issue of regional development. Rohingya IDPs have been living in Bangladesh for decades: before, when the number of people in the border centres was lower, several ways of obtaining ID or getting entry to Bangladesh's education or healthcare system had been found. However, with a much larger number in the refugee centers - the most widely accepted Kutupalong encampment swelling from about 100,000 to more than half a million in a matter of a few months - Bangladesh has taken action against everyone in the centers and found its own ways.
Bangladesh's marriage to Rohingya - regarded by the Bangladesh authorities as the back door to nationality - is even prohibited. The third option, relocation to other lands, seems a long way off. Figures (688,000 have escaped since August and more than 800,000 have now been displaced) are well above a country's relocation programme.
However, there were also no proposals for specific, restricted relocation sites for Rohingya - from third states such as the USA, Great Britain, Australia and Canada - as was the case for expelled Syrians and Iraqis. However, before a settlement is negotiated, another period is imminent: the rain will come back to this part of Bangladesh.
The hurricane period, which entails the danger of hurricanes in the tropics, begins in March, with potentially disastrous effects for the vulnerable population.