System of Government in MyanmarMyanmar's system of government
Myanmar: Not so quick - Policy in Myanmar
Since Myanmar's army-dominated regime began its policy reform in 2011, the issue of whether the country's most prominent figure can run for presidential office next year has been overlooked throughout the entire trial. One of the world's most celebrated womens, Aung San Suu Kyi is a Nobel Prize winner and chairwoman of the country's largest opponent National League for Democracy (NLD).
However, none of this will help if Myanmar's constitutional system keeps preventing Ms Suu Kyi from running for the presidency. The amendment of the Constitutional Treaty to make this possible has become the most important test for the country's newcomers. However, judging by recent incidents, it will be more difficult to change the EU budget than many had anticipated.
The cause of the issue is term 59(f). In 2008, the then army june incorporated them into the new state in order to curb the efforts of its most dreaded enemy and then languish under home detention. It prohibits anyone whose spouses or offspring are non-nationals.
Without the sinful provision, the newly appointed NLD legislator would make Miss Suu Kyi president. There are innumerable other flaws in the army's condition. There is, for example, no room for adequate policy adaptation to local minorities such as the Karen and Kachin, who have been struggling for centuries against Burma-dominated federalism.
Nearly everyone, from the governing deputy of the Armed Forces, the Union Solidarity and Development Partys ( "USDP"), to the NLD, has to do with one or the other part of the state. So far, it had been generally believed that even the hard-boiled members of the USDP, if they got enough in exchange, would agree to the need to amend 59(f), if only to underline that the Myanmar reforms are being made.
However, on 31 January, after month-long deliberations, the 109-strong parliamentarian commission responsible for collecting comments on the amendment of the Basic Law published a statement claiming that most Burmese were against it. Overall, the USDP-dominated commission alleged to have collected 28,000 deeds, almost all of which point to a revision of the US federal charter.
A full 100,000 undersigned refused to amend either Article 59(f) or rules guaranteeing the military 25% of parliamentary seat. On the other hand, only 592 countries have apparently voted to delete the provision. A congressman, Zaw Myint Maung, said the alleged results were just an organized petition among USDP members in Yangon, which was completely untypical of popular sentiment.
The USDP's base will not turn a blind eye and take Suu Kyi's chair. Parliament's own Rapporteur was merely asked to give its opinion. We have now set up a new panel to deal with the thousand of amendments.
If, and when, specific suggestions arise, there is still the 75% majoritarian hurdle that is necessary for a constitutionification. Currently, 80% of the parliament houses are occupied by the Armed Forces or the USDP.