Present Position of Democracy in MyanmarCurrent position of democracy in Myanmar
How is the state of Myanmar?
In order to gain an understanding of Myanmar's present state, we first take a look at the Myanmar story, formerly known as Burma. Myanmar, like India, was under Britain's control and was freed on 4 January 1948. However, after the establishment of an independent democracy, a 1962 war putsch took place and since then the regime of the regime has continued.
Recent polls took place in November 2015 and the National League for Democracy, led by AUNG SAN SUU KYI, won by an overwhelming vote. Myanmar is currently taking small strides towards democracy with its recently democratically-elected administration led by HITN KYAW and SUU KYI.
Democracy in Myanmar: The Challenge
Ms Priscilla Clapp is the former Head of Missions of the US Embassy in Myanmar. Analyzing the results of the November 2105 election, in a detailed review for the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, DC, she suggests the action that the United States and other western forces must take to get the land out of long isolations and onto the global scene as a vibrant democracy.
Myanmar's final democratisation will be measured by its capacity to abandon its dictatorial tradition, to embrace pluralist democracy, to create room for its different civilizations and faiths and to guarantee a fair level of livelihood for the people. There are huge stakes for a successful outcome and they contain the germs of failing if they cannot be tackled in good deed.
NLD triumph in itself is no guarantor of peace, for the NLD is inheriting a great deal of trouble from its forerunners. Over five dozen years of reigning armies have put large parts of the countryside in an almost hostile state, plagued by an oversized domestic armies, a variety of militia and a large number of people.
There is almost no constitutional state and free for all in terms of resource and richness competitiveness. During the last five years of policy change the perverted effect has been to intensify resource pressure through the fast inflow of FDI and the prospect of rebound. During the first years of transition, new dangers also arose for the civil populations in the shape of forced migration, worship tensions and community abuse, as well as a sharp surge in drugs traffic and dependence, reinforcing the ongoing war between the military and pre-emptive groups along Myanmar's Myanmar-Thai border.
A key obstacle to the country's democratisation is its heritage of domination deliberately designed to focus the country's riches in the small military-oriented world. Over the past ten years of junta rule, this progress has been accelerating at a rapid pace, with the outcome that the top generalals of the former state peace issues of Myanmar's stability are still challenging the stability of Myanmar 9 and the Development Council (SPDC) - which was disbanded by Thein Sein in 2011 - and their relatives and acquaintances are still controlling the leverage of the economy.
While some of these former SSDC civil servants have promoted Thein Sein's business reform, others have intentionally hampered it by resisting the liberalisation of overseas investments, fair allocation of lands, transparency in bank and tax collections, and tightening state regulation and oversight of business activities. While the NLD's victory in the 2015 elections has largely ousted the affluent NLD ruling class - both civil and former militaries - from parliamentary and top executives, the NLD still retains full command of the nation's economies and much of its territory and resourc.
For the new administration it will be hard to tackle this issue head-on without estranging some of its important source of policy assistance. However, the uneven accumulation of riches in the homes of a few people and their ownership of lands and natural ressources is crucial to the country's societal and economical challenges, which often erupt in open protests and aggravation.
In spite of attempts to enact laws against bribery and asset abuse, the problem can only be addressed slowly by stimulating the repatriation of assets from overseas bankers and directing them more prolific into domestic developments, by making more effective operations that drive out widespread bribery from the industry, and by making the governance more accountable.
The US administration as well as the US companies can help considerably in this matter, but it will necessitate a fundamental revision of the administration of US finance control, in particular the SDN register, and an easing of the strict limitations on US commercial practice in Myanmar. Considering that US companies are obliged to comply with US legislation when doing international activities, they could become a mighty tool for teaching advanced commercial practice to their international counterparts.
Luckily, there are some encouraging indications that some of the "Crony" companies in Myanmar are beginning to take on more transparent and tax accountability in their practice, so it is clear that some members of the ruling class appreciate the need for reforms. Burma is and will continue to be a heavily militarised nation at both domestic and municipal level.
A democratic future for Myanmar is guaranteed by the belief that democratisation in the Burmese economy is not yet so far advanced that civil leader can hinder civil societies from sinking into war. MEPs vigorously put forward this point when, in July 2015, they vetoed a parliamentary decision to amend the constitution to limit the militarys policy.