Power Sharing in Myanmar

Sharing power in Myanmar

This chapter discusses the role of power-sharing in the ongoing transition processes in Myanmar. In Myanmar, what are the future options for armed non-state actors in the peace process? This chapter discusses the role of power-sharing in the ongoing transition processes in Myanmar. Divide this story about sharing. The delicate and complicated policy of power-sharing in Southeast Asia.

It' s a new dawn in Myanmar, but power sharing resembles a two-vehicle drive.

It is a noteworthy time for Myanmar, which began a long process of democratisation in 2011 after 52 years of war. In order to prevent misunderstanding, both the armed forces and the NLD must now play a clever adaptation role. Against the historic backdrop, it will certainly be a complicated package, similar to a piece of art that influences the fate of 51 million individuals.

Major General (retd) Myint Swe, a candidate of the army, was appointed first deputy chairman. Mr Henry Van Thio was appointed Second Vice-President. Myanmar actually has two mighty leaders: The NLD chairwoman and commander-in-chief Aung San Suu Kyi is the most beloved female commander with a massive remit, while Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing is the mighty mastermind of the defense powers that have governed the country since 1962.

It is a noteworthy time for Myanmar. After 52 years of armed conflict, the nation began a long democratic transformation in 2011. The " transitional period " began on 8 November 2015 with a parliamentary elections that led to a crucial win for the NLD. This transfer will be completed by the end of the months.

An ingenious adaptation match must now be performed from both sides to prevent misunderstanding. Immediately after her earthquake-like victory, for example, Suu Kyi had been looking for a get-together with departing US Presidents Thein Sein and Min Aung Hlaing to talk about the modalities of the cession. and the Commander in Chief quickly found a way to see them.

NLD had requested the consent of the army to amend, suspend or exempt the rule of the law so that Suu Kyi could take office as US presiden. She may have forgotten that her pre-electoral guide had said that she would be "above the President", which clearly means that she would agree to the ruling out her chair.

Suu Kyi's election of the presidency is outstanding for impartial observation in the current situation. Aung San Suu Kyi shared her policy view and believed that she should have been the fairest possible woman ever. In the NLD and elsewhere, the election of the first vice-president by the Armed Forces has been a cause of great consternation.

And the second vice-president will be representing the minority groups, although no one is enthusiastic about him. A number of proposals have been made by eminent personalities, including that she could be appointed PM - but no such office does exist under Myanmar's constitutional system. Other people suggest that she could be a high level presidential secretary or a female secretary of state.

As an alternative, a mix of the two portfolio can ensure their full closeness to the new Chairman and a National Defence and Security Council chair. Although non-transparent, this object is regarded as stronger than the case. Only five of the eleven members are civilised, and the Secretary of State is one of them.

Secondly, the next fight for the new President's declaration of principle will take place before the House on the date of his investiture. Recognition for the accomplishments of Thein Sein, which are not small, must go hand in hand with an understanding of the outstanding responsibilities and complexity of the challenge faced by the people.

Thirdly, from April we are expecting Myanmar to be like a vehicle that will be drove by two riders, Suu Kyi and Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing. Against the historic backdrop, it will certainly be a complicated package, similar to a piece of art that influences the fate of 51 million individuals. This is the only way they can hopefully become change hands.

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