The oil and gas industry is responsible for half of Myanmar's debt. Myanmar's atrocities call for new sanctions As a reaction to the systemic drive for assassination and violation that led to the expulsion of some 700,000 Rohingya from Myanmar, DPRK representative Eliot Engel is proposing a bill to reintroduce US sanction against the country's army commanders. It should be a simple undertaking with more than 70 cross-party co-sponsors, but Myanmar's fellows, such as Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell, are flustered because they undermine Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, the country's most prolific civil power.

Disregarding the Myanmar army or Tatmadaw's involvement in the perpetration of horrors will not help Aung San Suu Kyi or the enormous potential that lies ahead for the state. Before Congress I have spoken about the value of a thorough reintegration of the US army in Myanmar. It was the brainchild to restrict this commitment to questions of humanitarian law, public order and civil oversight of the army, but we would be building interrelations.

Having given way to reforms and democratisation after years of violent dictatorship, I thought it was a form of patriotic abuse to avoid the army while it was leading the way. Then what I said remained true: "The Burmese army will remain crucial to the final outcome of the reforms and a full democratic transformation.

Commitment would be crucial, but if the US administration could reassess the situation if the US general went in the right directions. By decimating the mostly Muslim Rohingya, the army has launched a battle against the mainly Christian Kachin Independence Army, one of the groups that did not join a national ceasefire in 2015.

Here too, civil victims and accounts of violence are well known. Myanmar Burmese army rulers say they are merely fighting terrorist violence and justify the Rohingya assault in reaction to a fatal August 2017 policing by a Rohingya group. The Tatmadaw called the assault terrorist and led to one of the most out of proportion hostilities in the past and caused a huge human rights crack.

Myanmar's opening was headed by the army, which enabled a breathtaking and successful passage. In view of this advancement and the benefits of the international ceasefire, which affects many militants, the rest of the rest of the world should not try to re-conflict Myanmar. Instead, very focused and better-managed penalties should affect the financial and freedom of the most violent drivers, while at the same time enabling greater business co-operation with companies that comply with transparent yardsticks.

The EU allows restrictions on the finances and travels of those directly involved in the acts of repression against civil society, asks the Foreign Ministry to inform Congress whether the Rakhine state violent acts against the human race, restricts NATO's involvement and urges the civil authorities to do everything in their power, for example to support the returns of internally-displaced persons and to allow the Rohingya to become citizens of the population.

Penalties need to be determined by the President and can be lifted so that they are initially a sign rather than an immediate sledgehammer. Combined with a political reassessment of how US investments in Myanmar can be encouraged, even if some of them are punished, these penalties could promote a number of good moves that we know are possible.

The Myanmar and Bangladesh authorities in January reached an agreement on a timeframe for relocation. This will be empty gesture, if not a significant shift in Myanmar's policies that McCain and Engel have advocated. As a Defense Ministry officer, when I took responsibility for politics from India to New Zealand, I never thought Myanmar would traverse my desktop.

He had been an outcast and despite early reforms it was anticipated that it would remain so. I did expect ceasefire and intermittent force, but I did not think that these unevenness would involve racial clean-up. After all, I was expecting to reconsider the commitment to the army for far fewer outrages. Apart from the violent attacks on the Rohingya tribe, the Bangladesh affliction has been extremely severe.

Myanmar's recent UN Security Council mission to Myanmar should result in global measures to promote Myanmar's dignified return of the Rohingya. Burma can only be successful if it really makes up for the many ethnical and faith based societies within its boundaries. "She can now take an unimaginable balancing act in Myanmar as a civil commander without unconstitutional power over the army.

In fact, the Tatmadaw is known for its action against minority groups, especially the Rohingya. Leaving undetected the horrors committed since 2017 will not help Myanmar prosper and will not help Aung San Suu Kyi meet the aspirations she has for so many in her own nation and around the wor-l.

Nor will it help the Tatmadaw ultimately become a state-ofthe-art and respectful nation's army. Engel is trying this weeks to link its Myanmar sanction laws with the "Must-pass New Defense Authorization Act". No less deserving of our own humanitarianism, the US strategy and the Myanmar population.

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