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Rohingya and Myanmar's Buddhist Bin Laden.

I am in Sittwe, Rakhine State, West Burma, the site of one of the most disastrous human crisis on the world, which many call gender murder. Surrounding them, where once Muslims and Buddhists once stood side by side, whole blocs are empty, cities of ghosts, isles within the town. However, since 2011, when the regime began its timid democratic move, the distress of these destitute individuals has caused a disastrous crash.

Subject to the penal codes of the new "civilian" regime (still ruled by the military), which restricts everything from marriages to upbringing to the number of babies (a two-child policy), the Rohingya have received periodic and bloodthirsty assaults from indigenous Buddhists. A massacre jumped from town to town in the state of Rakhine, with machete as the weapons of the game.

May 2012, the raping and killing of a women in the hamlet of Tha Pri Chaung triggered a violent tide against the Rohingya. In March 2013, a dispute in a jewelry store in the city of Meiktila triggered an outpouring of violence. Young Muslims took revenge, pulled a friar off his bike, poured gasoline on him and burned him to death.

They are allegedly forbidden for aliens, but with the help of Fortify Rights I was able to find a native to bring me in for a prize. I' m holding my skull down as we walk through the policeman's block, past another burnt-out mosque and into the wards. One man holds the horror of the Rohingya-bearings.

Burma has disgracefully failed to fill the gap to which it has contributed, so that the ill in the camp flow into huts like these, where outdated drugs are stacked on a shady inner desk and the harassed healthcare professional - he emphasizes that he is not a skilled physician - tries to help many of those who are now overwhelmed.

There' s a hard job on the other side of the stream, she says to me and lifts herself up on the back of a motorcycle. Chalets and cabins look frightfully thin, all the more so when you consider that cyclone Nargis struck Burma with around 138,000 deaths in 2008. "Maybe I can get treatments outside the camp," says one of them, "but I'm afraid.

At the end of the morning, I talked to a dozen of them in the warehouses. Says he knows one of the sentries. "but there' s only one way to resolve this problem: we have to strike back. It'?s a violent way to combat it. "but there' s only one way to resolve this problem: we have to strike back.

It'?s a violent way to combat it. "The main friar of the local priest's shrine is in his early 40s, a heavy man in golden garb, whose baldness shines with perspiration in the early sundown. "We sit on an elevated pedestal of remnants of bamboo behind the ruined convent in a small town on the west edge of Sittwe, just outside the Rohingya Fortress.

Toward the sea, whose faraway roaring can be hear above the cricket chirps and the screams of the villagers, dark-leaved mongoose hang their dense plant. We' d pulled over at a cottage to ask for the way. "When we were violently assaulted by the Bengals, they tried to burn down the townhouses.

Said their lmam ordered them to burn the town. "In June 2012, he says to me, more than a thousand Rohingya started an attack on the town. "Testimonies give a much bleaker image, indicating that the Rohingya were only combating Buddhist intruders.

Ashin Wirathu, the friar who calls himself "Burmese bin Laden", is the leader of the malicious anti-Muslim 969 movement. "Erathu is a good man," says the main friar. "and all they draw are badges of him. "When Wirathu is mentioned, the temperament of the main friar seems to tear.

As Kaung Htet tries to take his photo, he reaches up with one hands and gesticulates to abandon us again, marches us out of the gate and back into the town. I arrived at Mandalay International to see Ashin Wirathu four workdays later. In 2003, he and four of his supporters were imprisoned for instigating anti-Muslim acts and were initially given 25 years in prison.

It is an unparalleled insight into the work of this charming friar, one of the main actors in Burma's fast-developing policy-makers. On the next morning, after just a quick look at the friar as he was taken from the airfield to a nightly 969 race, I headed to our get-together.

In front of the Wirathu living and working house, a three-story log is swept by a nun. Ichathu relaxes in a basket stool and gesticulates to me at his foot. Sounds resound around us as we talk: the cry of the brain-infever bird outside, a friar spewing in an upstairs room, the clattering of the cups.

There is a friar behind Ichathu who presents himself as spokesman for 969. I' m asking Ichathu about the Rakhine affair. There' s a serious terrorist menace, he says to me, with Muslims trying to launch assaults across the state. "They should go there and see the horrible things the NGOs have done," he says to me.

"Much of the Bengali (Rohingya) support from the Islamic community is directed through the NGOs. All the NGOs work for the Rohingya; they discriminate against the local Rakhine. "Raping Muslims for buddhistic women is a very common occurrence in Burma," he says to me.

" One of the main tasks of 969 is to help the homes of people under attack by Muslims. Others, such as Mark Farmaner of Burma Campaign UK, are more sceptical. "She has seriously misjudged her reaction to the anti-Muslim clampdown in Burma," he says to me. While she has not stood up for a repressed and vulnerable group, she is still being assaulted by the 969 movement and loses her backing because she still has the impression that she is kind to Muslims.

Since it did not adopt a strong ethical attitude against anti-Muslim feelings from the outset, its ethical authorities have paved the way for such as Wirathu to act with impunity. That is why it is the only way to do so. When I say the name, the friar bristled clearly, his sound fell into a low growling, his sight was on me.

" Erathu gets up. Obama has upheld Burma as an avatar of world democracy grass-roots militancy. Surely the overwhelming part of the regime has freed its prison population, although many are still in prison, among them a number of Rohingya, who were only imprisoned for expressing rage at the way they treated their loved ones and people.

It is a theoretically free language for the media, although it is a dangerous deal to talk about the Rohingya, as several reporters are imprisoned to report on camp outcomes. "Burma, says Thant Myint-U, is seen by China "as the gateway to the Bay of Bengal and the seas behind it".

There are many now arguing that the Burmese authorities should be blamed for the atrocities. Tomás Ojea Quintana, the UN Security Adviser on Burma, said to me when I returned from Sittwe: "There was a story of systemic rudimentary rudiments of Rohingyas in the state of Rakhine.

" A further convinced Rohingya lawyer, former US Secretary of State Tom Andrews, now leader of the United To End Gentocide organization, sees Burma as the victor of "the policy of hatred, the policy of fear[led by] some bitterness and sobriety. The Rohingya's hardship is a decisive test not only for the emergence of Burma's democratic system, but also for the West's readiness to engage in the aftermath of world wars.

"There is no one in the country who stands up for the Rohingya.

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