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ROAD MAP TO DEMOCRACY AND MYANMAR BEGINS TO SOFTEN.
The United Nations ambassador, Ibrahim Gambari, a Nigerian diplomat, visited Myanmar several times in the end of the 1990s. Mr. Bishop Barnes held a meeting with Myanmar's leadership and urged the freeing of Myanmar's civilian detainees. He was sometimes able to get together with Aung San Suu Kyi and other leader of the oppositions. He sometimes got together with the leader of the jungle.
He was often left in the darkness about his Myanmar route and said only that he was locked up in Yangon and would be meeting with Myanmar's Informationsminister. Than Shwe, head of the Burmese government, met with US Senator Jim Webb, the first high-ranking US officer to speak with the Myanmar chief, in August 2009.
Mr Webb won the freeing of US national John Yettaw, who was arrested after a swim to Aung San Suu Kyi's home, and saw Aung San Suu Kyi. Mr Webb is chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and was a vociferous critic of Myanmar's junta. Mr Webb is a member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Encounters were held between the regime and the opposition, but they yielded little results.
Key issues were the liberation of Zimbabwean detainees, the liberation of Aung San Aung Kyi and the re-opening of NLD branches. Aung San Aung Kyi was eventually liberated from home detention in November 2010, a few day after the historical general election (see separate article on Aung San Aung Kyi). Regularly, the leader of the oppositions and pro-democracy militants, some of them arrested since 1988, others were set free.
Two democratic leader arrested in 1995 for issuing flyers against the administration were released in December 2004. In the same time period, 5070 detainees from 41 jails across Myanmar were released. The Myanmar army regimes suggested a "roadmap" for reconciling with the government's opponents in August 2003. Roadmap conditions were established by the army regimes.
He appealed for a drafting and putting a bill to a popular vote. Should the new Constitutional Treaty be adopted, it would provide the foundation for a "free and fair" legislature. Back then, the régime said it was far away from the country's democratic system because the NLD did not work closely with the state. "General Khin Nyun - the former head of secret services and premier who was cleansed in 2004 - was the general who suggested a "roadmap to democracy" and other refutres.
" After 1988, Myanmar was without democracy for two years. Following the takeover in September 1988, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) postponed the 1974 drafting. SLORC established a constituent assembly in 1993, but was declared non-democratic and short-sighted by the National League for Democracy in 1996.
In the 90s and 2000s, the excuses of the army regime not to hold political meetings were an almost impossibility, especially when one considers that meetings were hardly ever called for. Lt. Col Hla Mon said in 1999 that free polls would take place in "two or three years" as soon as the constitutional bill was ready.
Mr. Birk said that 60 per cent of the draft bill had been debated and that work on it would continue. Myanmar re-convened the National Covenant without Aung San Suu Kyi's National League of Democracy in May 2004 to complete the preparation of the new constitution at a congressional centre some 40 kilometres northern of Yangon.
According to the German authorities, the summit was the first step in the restoration of democratic rule on the "roadmap to democracy". "It was denied by the opposing party as a hoax. Suu Kyi's arrest was denied by the National League of Democracy against her participation. You said Aung San Suu Kyi would soon be set free, but she was never set free.
You said that there will soon be a Constitutional Treaty, but the Conventions will continue to protract. Mr Aung San Suu Kyi did not take part in the Covenant. NLP members said they would not take part in the treaty if it were implemented on the conditions of the SDC. Last meeting of the Constitutional Conventions began in July 2007.
The Constitutional Convent was concluded in September 2007, after 14 years, thus completing the first stage of the seven-stage "roadmap to democracy". Some 1,000 participants attended the graduation celebrations at the Nyaung-Hna-Pin Conventions Centre, some 45 kilometres to the north of Yangon. It does not confer authority on a civil government (key government departments are still in the military hands) and does not offer greater independence to Myanmar's over 100 minority nationalities.
" It will have 25 per cent of the seat in the new Bundestag and a right of vote on its resolutions. As part of its long-promised roadmap to a democratic system, the regime adopted a new treaty in April 2008. "I' d never thought our nation would be so fond of the state.
" In spite of the tragic events of Cyclone Nargis, the Burmese government continued its May 2008 landmark poll, the first in Burma since 1990. MEPs also said that the country's army regimes were opposed to the United Nations' proposals to allow sovereign monitors to supervise the referenda. In Myanmar, the international press were not permitted to report on the poll.
We have had accounts from militia officials watching over - and stuffling - polling booths and warning the people of penalties and imprisonment if they do not cast their votes in accordance with the regime's demands. Burma's army-drafted draft treaty was adopted by an overwhelming majority (from the 92nd session of the UN General Assembly). of the 22 million electorate with an supposed 99 per cent turnout) on 10 May in the first part of a two-stage referendum under Cyclone Nargis.
It opened the way for multi-party parliamentary election in 2010 that would end five decade-long periods of armed forces government and guarantee the army 25 per cent of parliamentary seat. The NLD spokesperson, Nyan Win, denounced the poll and said: "It was a popular ballot full of deception and deception throughout the entire nation; in some towns, the electorate and electoral offices tickled the ballot papers themselves and did not let the electorate do anything.
" Nyan Win, NLD spokesperson, said Reuters that at least three NLD members were under attack by unidentified attackers as they fought against the Yangon constitutions, Burma's largest town. "That is why it is now clear that the upcoming referenda cannot be free and fair," the leadership of the parties said in a declaration calling for the presence of international monitors, also from the United Nations.
Last months Myanmar's Information Minister Kyaw Hsaw pledged that the poll would be "free and fair", but he refused to accept bids from UN technology and observers. Burma's media-led regime has called on the country's 53 million citizens to support the UNFCCC, an important part of the junta's seven-point roadmap to a democratic world.
" Myanmar's New Light of Myanmar alleged that undisclosed international leaders were helping the protesters "destabilize" the state before the referenda. "They have ordered the officials to cast a "yes" votes on the referenda and to convince their families. "We' re being asked to take a ballot in our offices," said a member of the state.
There has been no public statement by the ruling on how the poll will be conducted. According to the army, "there should be at least one voice per house," otherwise the leader of the house could spend six month in jail. Myanmar's administration released a revised victim figure on Wednesday evening stating that 38,491 people had died and 27,838 were not known.
The New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet Guides, The Irrawaddy, Myanmar Travel Information Compton's Encyclopedia, The Guardian, National Geographic, Myanmar Travel Information, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Global Viewpoint (Christian Science Monitor), Foreign Policy, Burmallibrary, United States.