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So what happens to Myanmar's human rights icons?
Rohingya ethnical purge shows what the outside community has not understood about Aung San Suu Kyi." The massacres of students in Tiananmen Square by the PRC authorities are the worst example, but in the last three centuries of the 20th and 21st centuries the number of democracy in the rest of the word has risen from thirty-one to eighty-one.
For a long time, their ethical clearness and charming attitude made them a strong symbols of people' s right to freedom and non-violence. But since she became the de facto head of the state in 2016, she has been relentless in the face of a string of violations of human freedoms, especially the violent repression of the Rohingya, a Moslem ethnical minorities in the western part of the state near the Bangladesh frontier.
Burma is a rag rug of one hundred and thirty-five official tribes ruled by the Bamar from the country's core land, who make up 68 percent of the people and the majority of the dominant elite. Armour conflict has been bubbling for centuries between a large number of communities and Bamar-led states. Aung San, Suu Kyi's ancestor, a Bamar general who is now considered the founding fathers of the contemporary people, convinced several groups to resolve their disagreements in the interests of ending Britain's settlement of communist power.
Those cataclysmic conflicts gave the army an alibi to take over, which it did in 1962. the name of the old Yangon capitol from Rangoon to Yangon; and constructed a new capitol, Naypyidaw. Suu Kyi's political fame drove her National League for Democracy to an earthquake in 2015, when she permitted free election for the first year in a single family.
In 2016, the N.L.D. and the army carefully concluded a power-sharing treaty and established a civilian-led, but still essentially military-dominated state. When Suu Kyi took over, she imitated her late teammate by declaring that she would talk about resolving the wars. The Rohingya's emergency has become a human disaster.
Assaults on army and policemen stations of Rohingya fighters last October and again in August have triggered a cruel repression. Last months more than four hundred thousand Rohingya escapees crossed the Bangladesh frontier and brought reports of random slaughtering and arson. Satelite pictures show that more than two hundred Rohingya settlements were burned.
In Myanmar, the Rohingya are scorned by almost all other ethnic groups. Almost ninety percent of the land is Buddhist, and most consider the Muslim Rohingya as irregular migrants; they are not in Myanmar's formal register of ethnic groups. Mr Aung San Suu Kyi was just two years old when on 19 July 1947 men with guns came together for a rally to monitor Burma's move to freedom and kill her dad and eight others.
Burma's military revolt two years later established a Nazi state. Suu Kyi's mom had a heart attack in March, and Suu Kyi hurried back to Burma to be with her. These years of reign had brought about a wide-spread decline. Solders shot at masses of men and within a few month several hundred deaths.
Aung San Suu Kyi spend fifteen of the next twenty-one years in her family's sea mansion in Yangon; the army set her free twice just to lock her up again. and she never saw him again. A little over a year after Aung San Suu Kyi was finally arrested, another woman detained was set free on grounds of remorse in January 2012.
In the unsuccessful 1990 election, her dad, a former head teacher, won a parliamentary chair. Together with her sibling, brothers, mothers and fathers, she was detained in the infamous Insein prison in Yangon. But while Suu Kyi is a bamar master, Wai Wai Nu is a Rohingya. Arakan is the old name for Rakhine State, a low coast region in the west of Myanmar where the Rohingya live.
"She said, "My dad always showed me her painting, hiding in his journal. It was still possible to think in the mid-1990s that Suu Kyi's struggle for basic freedoms also contained Rohingya prerogatives. Since Rohingya had envisioned that every single member of the nation's politics would do something other than suppress them years ago.
Proof of the Rohingya in Rakhine state - and of Muslims in general - goes back hundreds of years. Myanmar's other groups see them instead as remnants of settlement, when the land was annexed to Britain-India and the Brits took non-Buddhists from other parts of the settlement to work in Burma.
Myanmar's authorities prohibit the use of the name Rohingya and most call it Bengali. They generally appear to be Southern Asia and are easy to recognise by other ethnical groups. You have a longstanding clash with the Rakhine Buddhist nation, which itself was excluded and suppressed by the Bamar elite.
In 1948, at the height of the country's liberation, the Rohingya could by and large still regard themselves as one of many ethnical groups struggling for their place in the new state. The Rohingya ministered in parlament, and race was enumerated in 1961. However, the army jungle represented a hostile, bamar-suprematist ideology, and in the following years the Rohingya were demonised in a systematic manner, many of them being deprived of their fundamental and upheld.
Though Rohingya politician like Wai Wai Nu's dad could still stand for election to the Bundestag, there was more openness about this. The best of Rohingya's education could no longer be attended, and those who could not finance paying top civil servants found their liberty to move around the land limited. Desperately for work and becoming more and more Stateless, the Rohingya turned to human smugglers to get them out of the state.
Over the past few years, the Chinese authorities have blocked around a hundred thousand Rohingya refugees in detention centres, where they have hardly any direct contact with foods or medicines. Human Rights Watch CEO Kenneth Roth thinks it is naive to be disillusioned with Aung San Suu Kyi. She had already avoided him in 2012, despite his organisation's decade-long backing for her cause.
"On the Rohingya question, we were already beginning to criticise her," he said. "Roth sees Suu Kyi's unwillingness to oppose the Rohingya regime as a matter of policy. "She doesn't think it's profitable, these guys are too disliked by me to defend them," he said.
This turbocharged environment is also dangerous for Myanmar's large non-Rohingya Muslim populations, many of whom make up a wealthy commercial group. There have been violent attacks against Muslims in trade cities in the heart of Myanmar since 2012. Islamicophobia is deeply rooted and has recently been fueled by extreme religious who point to the darkness of Buddhism through Islam in Afghanistan and Indonesia and warning that Myanmar could be the next.
Respectfully, even Burmese with college education have seriously said to me that the high birthrate is a kind of djihad among some Islamic groups. "Juvenile folk know nothing but to hate Muslims," he cried. At the 2015 election, the N.L.D. declined to avert the accusation of a "Muslim party" of nominating a sole Islamic candidat.
Suu Kyi's administration has made no effort to repeal legislation that limits the number of Muslims who can have Muslims and hinders marriage between them. In Yangon one wet afternoon I went to visit a pensioned olive grower called Tin Myint, whose dad, a Moslem, was in Aung San's office and was murdered next to him.
" The Rohingya was not a particular worry for him. In 2015, among the million who voted for Suu Kyi's political group was a pallid, spectacled former general called Khin Nyunt, who used to be the most dreaded man in Myanmar. He became the head of secret service in the mid-1980s, setting up a Stasi-like espionage and supervising the arrest of several thousand individuals.
It was also responsible for a coercive labour programme that coerced many, many of them young, to work on the army's infrastructural work. Armistice agreements were concluded with local militia and businesses with neighbouring states. "and he shrugged his shoulders.
" One of my interpreters (a colleague at work who translates George Orwell into Burmese) knew why: as a kid in Rakhine State, he was compelled to work on one of Khin Nyunt's street teams. Aung San Suu Kyi has no choice but to work with the communities she once fought against.
There are even civil government departments, such as the financial sector, full of remnants of the former government, and much of the country's budgets are reserved for warfare. Myanmar's 2008 draft condition, drawn up by the army, poses further problems. Suu Kyi wants to change the state and become president, but that demands political backing.
As it urges the army to carry out structural reforms, it must also prevent aversion and a resumption of warfare. However, their omission to judge the army is not just a question of practicion. She was co-founder of the party she heads by a former army commander-in-chief, and some of Suu Kyi's close advisors are former officer.
N.L.D. is run with a strong focus on loyalties andarchie. Despite Suu Kyi's resistance to the regime, she is still a member of the army. Today's troops originated in Burma's Independence Army, which her dad established in 1941 to free the land from the British.
One year after winning her first Parliament seats in 2013, she caught the watchers by coming among the general to see the Myanmar Armed Forces Day army-parade. On one occasion I asked Aung San Suu Kyi what kind of qualities she appreciated most in humans, and she replied: "Loyalty. "There are many who testify to this.
During one of Suu Kyi's freedom spells in 2003, he was used as her rider on a nationwide outing. They were assaulted by well-armed attackers on 30 May, which was probably an attempted attack ordered by a tough army group. About seventy men were murdered and Suu Kyi's throat was severed by flying-glass.
Suu Kyi has been loyal throughout her lifetime to the memories of a never-before-known sire and a land she had hardly seen at the age of fifteen to sixty-five. "Kenneth Roth of Human Rights Watch said to me, "Aung San Suu Kyi has the advantage of becoming an image without saying much.
And unlike her dad, she didn't pass away before her story could be overshadowed.