Myanmar new Video 2015New Myanmar Video 2015
This screenplay is from "The New Burma", which was broadcast on October 25, 2015. One turning point is in one of the most remote and remote countries on earth, a land we know as Burma. Colonels re-named the land Myanmar. Nobody knows exactly why, but almost over night the Burmese regime ruled that Burma would become a democratic state.
Twice he went on meetings with Burma's most prominent female Burmese bourgeois, Aung San Suu Kyi. It is a crucial period, so we have chosen to see for ourselves whether the changes in Burma are being made. Burma has a dateless aura. The Burmese army kept Burma imprisoned and poverty-stricken in a miserable period pod for about half a cent.
This overwhelming buddhistic land brings the believers to the centre of Burma's biggest town, Rangoon, to worship at the holiest sanctuary. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the lady who had the guts to oppose the regime. A few years ago, we were able to arrest persons for the possession of their paintings.
She' s the face of the new Burma. As Aung San Suu Kyi: Peoples want a happily ever after. You want Burma to be a hit. Today there are too few successful tales and too few happily ever after in this modern age. You think Burma is on the road to democratization now?
She is not on the road to democratisation. Mr President, we are on the road to a democratic discipline. I think it is the kind of democratic system that is seen by dictators. "They want a happily ever after. You want Burma to be a track record.... But I always say you don't get something just because you want it.
Is it in line with your concept of it? As Aung San Suu Kyi: Not exactly fitting, no. We travelled five on the Rangoon Strait deeply into the Burmese heartland to get to Suu Kyi - there are about 50 million Burmese. It' Nay Pyi Daw, Burmese for'seat of the king'.
There has been an Orwellian feeling with magnificent edifices, abandoned 10-lane motorways and most peculiar - almost no one. As Aung San Suu Kyi said: "She does not present herself as part of the land, part of the population. And, as impressing as this set may be, it doesn't really represents the world.
Aung San Suu Kyi seemed quiet, almost relaxed when we saw her. I never thought I was particularly courageous - I was afraid of the darkness when I was little. They must know that you are regarded throughout the world as a symbolic figure of the world. No, I don't want to be described as a symbolic one.
I don't like being named an atonement. Aung San Suu Kyi attracted the world's interest when she first tried to introduce Burma into the country in 1988. Following a country-wide rebellion headed by a monk named the Saffron Revolution, general Aung San Suu Kyi was eventually set free in 2010. I do not think we need to believe now.
As Aung San Suu Kyi: Oh, I think so. I would like our population to have the feeling that we have actually won, that the fight for democratisation has been topped. It is all right for the population to be free to elect its leader and to have chosen me.
Anyone who governs Burma must face up to this: a forced war between Buddhists and a Moslem majority named Rohingya. Burning down Rohingya burnt down three years ago when Islamic men were charged with having raped a female Buddha. This has been described by some as ethnical purification. And we found distressed individuals with little to eat, less healthcare.
Abduselah escaped from the mob with his family. Wretched in the camp and the buddhistic mob outside, tens of thousand of Rohingya have gathered on shaky vessels to flee by ship to neighbouring states. We were astonished that some of the greatest instigators of Rohingya violent behaviour are buddhistic sages.
Sayadaw Ashin Wirathu is one of the most frank and powerful. Wirathu Ashin: I proudly embrace the concept of extremism. Wirathu's oratory is extremely rhetorical, but his mantras - that Burma is for Buddhists - are widespread, even among other sacred men. Have Muslims got a place here in Burma?
But, in essence, he said that Muslims are emptying themselves over Burma and endangering its wellbeing. I do not take them. Wirathu Ashin: Because they deceive the whole state, they want to take over the whole state. They have more friars than Burmese troops and they are much admired. How do you feel about Aung San Suu Kyi?
As Wirathu says: When it comes to the nationism and safety of the land, it is no use. ¡Ashin Wirathu: Yes. The Rohingya have weakened their international reputation. Now it' s interesting because the outside is criticizing me because I have not judged the Buddhists.
I was convicted inside the land because I will not convict the Muslims. I have always been a political person. So how does a political man move this nation together? As Aung San Suu Kyi puts it: "The response is very easy and very hard. It must also have confidence that the governing general will keep his promise to the world.
In order to find out, we asked Burma's chairman, Thein Sein, for an intro. Thein Sein: How do you relate to Aung San Suu Kyi, head of the political group? Thein Sein: If Aung San Suu Kyi or another side win, there will be a smooth transition of state. In spite of warm words and photos, Thein Sein recently cleaned up the member of his political group who worked most intimately with Suu Kyi.
Mr Aung San Suu Kyi has waited a quarter hundred years for this opportunity for it. You gave up so much for your own land, even for your own people. I did it because I believe in it and I wanted to do it. Well, how can you call it a victim when you decide to do something because you believe in it?
All Rohingya have been excluded from the election by the state. Editorial note: The humanitarian organisation Fortify Right has documented and investigated violations of the Rohingya in Burma and the world. Matthew Smith, the organization's founding member, was a key player in gaining entry to the government-controlled Rohingya Refugee Camp. 2015 CBS Interactive Inc.