Myanmar NawBurma Naw
A year later in Myanmar, Suu Kyi's gloriole slips? This week in Asia
One year ago, locals danced in the street in Myanmar's capital Yangon. Elections of 8 November were counting and it was clear that the National League for Democracy (NLD) would win a slippery one. The times had been changing since 1990, when the NLD also won by a mudslide, but the outcome was ignored by the dominant warlords.
On this occasion, international electoral watchers were present and the land stretched out to the outside community - especially to the West - to gain acceptance, so that there was no room for such fiddles. Everybody knew that the NLD' s NLD Leader, Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, would not be the new Chair because the draft ing of the Constitutional Treaty - under strict security and following a deceptive 2008 referenda - prevented anyone who was wed to a stranger or whose kids were not Myanmar nationals from becoming Mayor.
However, a new office, that of State Counsellor, was established for her, making her the de facto leader of the new administration that finally came to power in April this year. Today there are frustrations, especially among the many minority groups, which make up perhaps 30-40 percent of the people.
To them, as to the Burmese people, the 2015 elections were more like a popular vote than a nationwide survey. While the NLD was in favour of a new order, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), even though it had liberalized Myanmar's policy and implemented other reform that would represent the old regimes.
This was a voice for transformation - and that was what the public wanted from the new state. Wars in the northern region against Kachin, Shan and other rebels continue unceasing. Over 100,000 refugees were driven out as state troops advanced, backed by helicopters, jet aircrafts and massive ordnance.
In August, the Naypyidaw negotiations led to little more than a request by the Suu Kyi-backed regime for the rebel tribes to enter into a cease-fire deal that many of them see as a capitulation and not, as the agencies claim, as the beginning of a policy debate on the countrys own destiny.
There is also high suspense in the state of Rakhine, which has seen violent confrontations between ruling troops and Muslim fighters. The US sanction was removed during Suu Kyi's September trip to Washington, and when she travelled to Tokyo this September, the US administration promised $7.73 billion in assistance over five years.
However, there was no hurry to make investments in Myanmar, and the reason for this is clear. In a February 2015 survey, the Deutsche Gesellschaft fuer Internationale Zusammenarbeit, which specializes in the field of global cooperation, recognized some improvement, but said that "despite the recent reform, the regulatory environment and finance structure of the bank sector are lagging behind global standards" and that the system "remains the least advanced of all Southeast Asian nations and cannot sufficiently fulfill its function as a finance intermediary".
One could argue that after the NLD won the elections in 2015, hopes were very high. and the 2008 Constitutional Treaty was designed to guarantee consistency instead of introducing a new system of democracy. Accordingly, the army continues to play a prominent part in " nongovernmentalism. The Council nominates the three main Ministries - Defense, Interior and Borders - and a fourth of all members of the country's parliaments and parliaments.
In order to amend important provisions in the Constitutional Treaty, more than three-quarters of the members of parliament must agree, giving the army a right of abstention from any attempts to democratize the current order. Above all, the army stays independent and only accepts orders from its commander-in-chief, not from the administration or an electoral group.
Aung San Suu Kyi must act out a very sensitive interplay between the electorate and the soldiers, and she has tried to please the general by speaking of how "dear" she is to her father's armies. Myanmar's independent heroes Aung San formed the country's first armies, but they had little in common with today's Myanmar armies, which arose from completely different conditions - the country's own internal conflict - rather than the fight for British sovereignty in the 1940s.
There is a powerful sense among the ethnical groups that they have gone too far to please the war. "I' m sick of criticizing her," says Stella Naw, a young Kachin woman campaigner, a conservative group of Christians in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar. Myanmar versions of Stockholm disease.
It seems to be nearer to the army, which kept her under home detention for 15 years than the peoples who want an end to military-dominated domination. Being the hero of democracies was much simpler than governing a nation that had been divided for many years by decade-long disputes over civilian, ethnical and government.
For the first since the early 1960' s, the army still has a civil regime.