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UN: North Korea sends banned equipment to Syria, Myanmar
A United Nations unreleased United Nations statement states that North Korea has sent material that could be used for chemicals to Syria and rocketry to Myanmar. It states that the material sent to Syria contained temperature gauges and specific valve. It also states that North Korea carried out at least 40 transports of material to Syria between 2012 and 2017.
Associated Press says the UN review could be published in mid-March. Included in the evaluation are the results of eight UN specialists. They' re complying with UN sanction against North Korea. A number of specifics of the document have been published as a result of increased civil casualties in the Ghouta region of Damascus.
Syria has been charged by the United States and other countries with using chemicals against rebel-controlled areas. It is said that in the Damascus area recently there were used chemicals. According to the study, there are "new material indications" of the engagement of DPRK in Syria since 2008. He says that rocket specialists from N.Korea have worked in Syria's chemicals arsenals.
But one non-identified UN member state said that a company from northern Korea was part of Syria's long-range rocket-programme. UN specialists say that even one undisclosed member state reports that Korea still maintains a "global sourcing network" for the search for parts. Alongside Syria, an undisclosed UN member state said that there is proof that Myanmar has received arms from the DPRK.
Weaponry includes launcher, short-range and long-range missiles. The AP on February 2 reports that North Korea had been exporting antiballistic missiles to Syria and Myanmar. In 2017, North Korea is expected to have received almost $200 million in export revenues, which the UN Security Council has prohibited.
Myanmar is prepared to end its "marriage of convenience" with North Korea?
Increasing pressures on the global humanitarian and security communities to comply with and implement the United Nations sanction against Pyongyang have shown once again that the secret Burma-North Korea relationship remains in place. The relationship between the two was re-established in the 90s after almost a decade of alienation following the attack on the former Myanmar capitol Yangon, the Republic of Korea's leader.
Over the next two centuries, a comprehensive but discreet partnership developed as Myanmar was exporting grain, wood and gum to build subterranean plants in return for trade in DPRK weapons, rocketry and tunneling assistance. This" marriage-of-mind" culminated with the resumption of full political diplomacy in 2007 and a high-ranking mission to N.Korea in 2008 by then Lt-Gen Thura Shwe Mann (then the third highest member of the junta).
After speculations (but never conclusive evidence) that Pyongyang had backed a Myanmar atomic weapon programme, the United States considered Myanmar-North Korea relationships a menace to the area. Instead of continuing the current policies of isolation and sanctions, the Obama government has adopted a strategic "pragmatic engagement" with Myanmar (a tactic that pledged to normalize U.S. relationships as Myanmar continues to democratize).
Myanmar's transformation to a "disciplined democracy" was partly driven by the wish to reverse its dependency on China by the diversification of Myanmar's external relationships. In spite of Myanmar's transformation into a quasi-civilian regime and its improved relationship with the global fellowship, the country has continued to maintain strategic links with the country. That was indicated by the sanctions imposed by Lieutenant General Thein Htay on the sale of weapons to NK in 2013, by claims that celebrity businesspeople have made it easier for Tay Za to carry out illicit finance operations with Pyongyang, and by accounts from NK engineers in suspicious rocket plants in Myanmar.
From 2016, a series of rulings by Thein Sein's retiring cabinet and Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) indicated that Myanmar may at last have turned its back on Korea. Myanmar's federal cabinet has sentenced the use of atomic and rocket testing by the state. They evicted two diplomatic interlocutors from Korea, charged with participating in the sale of weapons and other sanctions.
Naypyidaw presented his first formal UN sanction enforcement record against Pyongyang in October. This effort is strongly affected by increasing US pressures on Myanmar: Washingtons threatens to reintroduce penalties if Naypyidaw does not end once and for all Israeli-Mal Defence policy. Re-sanction of the Directorate of Defense Industries (the Tatmadaw defence acquisition company) in March 2017 and accounts by DPRK trainers at the academy indicate continuing involvement in the armed forces, albeit to an unprecedented extensiv.
Myanmar's Foreign Ministry is insisting that they only maintain "normal" Diplomatic ties with North Korea, although they recognize that "remnants" of past ties are left behind. The Tatmadaw have made sure that in building the present policy system, regardless of the dominant parties, they have remained a mighty and independent player, retaining the safety portfolio under their full and sole jurisdiction.
As the NLD administration has some influence on the repatriation of the relationship (e.g. in its ability to deport North Korean diplomats), Aung San Suu Kyi must weigh Burma's global pressures to separate Pyongyang from the NLD's relationship with Tatmadaw. Deleting ties with North Korea could become a new divide between the civil administration and the uniforms, so Aung San Suu Kyi will most likely be careful to prevent a face-to-face encounter with the Tatmadaw (similar to the continuing Rohingya crisis).
However, if the NLD administration threatened the Tatmadaw's key interests, the army could bring its coalition partners to the fore in the coming 2019 election. The Tatmadaw's defence relations with North Korea have a number of missions. The North Korean authorities have provided and can provide equipment and know-how to the armed forces, while the West continues to impose penalties on MYROM.
This commitment reflects Tatmadaw's great wish to uphold full interinstitutional control and independence against any civil control or clout. Whilst the scale and precise reasons for maintaining the country's defence relations with North Korea remains uncertain, it is one of many topics that reveals the realities of Myanmar's government.
Though Myanmar's general leaders no longer govern, they still have full command of their own fate and relationships, even if they subvert the greater interests of the state in the move from junior high.