Myanmar Government Structure 2016

The Myanmar government structure in 2016

The Parliament approves the new government structure. As of April 1, 2016, the new government will take over. The government cuts the structure of the government from 36 ministries to 22 ministries, but three important ministries such as the Interior Ministry. Half a century of military dictatorship has officially ended in Burma or Myanmar. These lines are further blurred by a top-down structure dominated by Suu Kyi, whose influence seems to know no bounds.

Government | Parliament agrees to new government structures

President Htin Kyaw delivered his maiden address in plenary session and was given the go-ahead to reduce the number of departments in the new state. There will be a cut in the new administration from 36 to 21 departments, 18 of which will be headed by civil servants and three by the army.

Despite the fact that the nominees of the incoming ministerial appointments were presented to the European Union legislature last night, they are still seeking Parliament's assent and have not yet been assigned to certain departments. Among the nominations is Aung San Suu Kyi, chairman of the National League for Democracy (NLD), which won an overweight vote in the November 8, 2015 poll.

As of April 1, 2016, the new administration will take over. They are as follows, as presented to the House in Frontier Myanmar yesterday:

Where is Myanmar's condition off?

Opinions on the reform that has changed Myanmar since a long-standing and malicious 2011 Burmese army jungle was replaced by a civil government largely led by former general leaders in Mu ufti remain mixed. Opticians point to the liberation of those imprisoned for many years, a nascent free media, the opening of the country's economies and the appearance of Aung San Suu Kyi (in the picture) as the party's chief opponent in parliamentary elections.

Besides, they say, look at the state of the state. In 2012 they participated in by-elections under the Constitutional Treaty against the protests of many members of the parties. Of the 45 challenged houses (in a 440 parliament), they won 43 and proved as much loved by the electorate as they did in the 1990 parliamentary polls, the result of which the general ignored.

In the past year, a commission was established to deal with possible constitutional changes, which will then be submitted to it. Art 59 (f) was composed with them in view, with the exception of the chairmanship of anyone with a non-national partner or dependent family. But, as the state of the law dictates, it could not appoint its chairman.

There are also less personalized shortcomings in the state. Guaranteeing the military nominates 25% of the parliamentarians' seat and, by a curious chance, requiring a majority of more than 75% of the members of parliament to change the state. Even in the view of the many minority groups that have been leading secessionist uprisings on the outskirts of Myanmar for many years, it does not fully recognize their own political and social uprisings.

Without independency, they want a more autonomous and federated state. This would signify Myanmar's reform, which is their reputation at home and abroad. Out of 323,000 proposed changes tabled by the end of last year by politicians, civic groups and the general population, very few seem to want this - a result that raises doubts about the trial's probity and indicates that the military cares about its destiny under a Suu Kyi chair.

Amendments that would lift the army's last word by reducing or eliminating its parliamentary seat, or that would bring something near the federation structures that the minority wants, would be even more repulsive to them. For example, the condition may be basically the same before next year's elections.

This would also put the embarrassed nations that have embarked on Myanmar's reform with the removal of penalties, wasteful assistance and early congratulation on its democratization.

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