Myanmar goodBurma good
This ritual should bring good merits or good karma.
Good intentions in Myanmar produced poor results.
Burma is an example of this. Most of the world' s approach to domestic peacemaking and developments has been taken in writing, ignoring the broader teachings from Iraq and Afghanistan. Word has now spread that the big player in the mass communication industry has contributed to fomenting the Rohingya in Myanmar by offering a forum for anti-Muslim Buddhist nationalism and false newscasts.
It is understandable that when former US Prime Minister Thein Sein began liberalising the nation in 2011 after decade-long dictatorial domination, easing restrictions and expanding the use of the Net, along with Western stimulus in the shape of lower penalties and increased world legitimacy, he was praised by the world at large.
Because free mass communication is a decisive component of democratisation. In such a brief period of timeframe, could a poorly educated nation with fragile communications and the remnants of conflicts take over the full and responsible instruments of a free and free print and online world? However, swift "democratic reforms" and the wish to make Myanmar a sign of trust have dazzled the global fellowship from accidental outcomes.
Legislative, judicial, executive power and the mass media cannot be enforced from one day to the next. It is not surprising in this regard that despite the pressures of the world, Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy is controlling freedom of expression, albeit to her own personal benefit. Myanmar has been restlessly driven to democratize, inciting and supporting the Myanmar administration to do so, ignoring the absence of a civilization that supports its effective use.
If it was to introduce a free and unimpeded freedom of the written and spoken media, the West should have done more to help the rise of discernment, qualified journalism and advice on how to deal with the dangers of freedom of expression in a regular transit. Accidental repercussions also arise from the impetus of the foreign mass media and diplomacy in condemning the Rohingya crimes of August.
First, the importance attached to the sufferings of Rohingya may have led to the alienation of the Rakhine Buddhists, who have been fighting fiercely with the Islamic minorities in the state. It is unlikely that the feeling of minimum global assistance for their complaints will eternalize their despair and further force. Restricted critique of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army - which was attacking army guards - and considered itself a guardian of the majority, only placed itself in the hand of Buddhaist nationals, who consider it a tourist group, and the army as their defence.
The NLD has also dissociated itself from the world fellowship, in the government's consciousness of estranging its voters, alongside strong criticism of its reaction to the Rohingya war. Thus, in its strong urge to criticize horrors - and not to take into account the distress and position of all groups - the West has lacked the confidence and communications with the main actors to create it.
Nothing of this is pardoned by the army, the NLD or Suu Kyi, but it should shed more light and promote self-observation on the part of the Myanmar world. A graduate of Yale University, he holds a Masters of Science degrees in Global and Global Economic Developmen.