Myanmar Country Report 2015Country Report 2015
Myanmar's situation in the area and a total of more than 50 million people will contribute to the country's economic development, with global economic research forecasting that Myanmar's economic output will reach up to $200 billion by 2030. The election, which is due to take place at the end of 2015, is an exciting moment for the rest of the year.
As one of Asia's most remote and least advanced nations for many years, Myanmar has become one of the most rapidly expanding nations in the developing hemisphere. Farming, processing and coal are among the main contributions of Myanmar to GDP, which is expected to be 8.5% in FY2014/15 and FY2015/16. There are ways to block FDI as it accelerates.
Since the country remains integrated into the world market, further reform and the opening of other business areas to attract inward investment will help to tap the country's full range of opportunities. Myanmar's new, world light: Burma's farming is recovering under pressure from the.....
According to the 2008 draft of the 2008 Constitutional Treaty, which was supervised by the army, the two-chamber legislation comprises the 440-seat Chamber of Representatives, the Lower Chamber, and the 224-seat Chamber of Nationalities, the UPP. One fourth of the offices in both buildings are reserved for the army and are occupied by the Commander-in-Chief, an officers with wide-ranging authority chosen by the Militarily Dominant National Defence and Security Council (NDSC).
Members of the armed forces have the right to appoint one of the three candidate presidents and the members elect from each House appoint the other two. Before the first nationwide electoral process under the new 2010 Charta, which was neither free nor equitable, the army leaders selected the electoral committee, enacted electoral legislation to favour military-backed political groups, and led the National League for Democracy (NLD) in boycotting the poll.
Militarily backed by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), 129 of the 168 MPs in the upper chamber and 259 of the 330 MPs in the lower chamber were won. In addition, the USDP obtained 75 per cent of the 14 state and local meetings. Both the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) and the Shan Nationalities Democracy Party (SNDP) received the second highest proportion of places in the Houses of Nationalities and Representatives, respectively.
Votes for minorities would probably have been higher if the elections in several minority-dominated areas had not been cancelled due to the continuing wars. A renegade NLD party, the National Democratic Force (NDF) won four top and eight lower houses. Thein Sein, who left the army, was elected by the new Bundestag in February 2011.
The departing army commander Than Shwe withdrew formally, but allegedly kept the power of his coalition in the new state. The NLD won all 37 lower chamber chairs in April 2012, with one going to Aung San Suu Kyi, head of the NLD and long-time incarcerated politician. The NLD conquered four out of six controversial top tier chairs, the other two went to the USDP and the SNDP.
The CDU/CSU Election Commission in September 2014 cancelled the by-elections planned for the end of the year, which would have occupied 35 free parliamentary places. The USDP successfully adopted in November a move from its present majority voting system to a system of proportionate suffrage for the top chamber, although the parliamentary president considered a similar petition for the lower chamber an unconstitution.
The NLD, for its part, gathered about 5 million petitions to endorse the military's de facto opposition to changes to the constitution; changes to the constitution call for a three-quarters majority in parliament, and the army receives a fourth of the seat in each parliament. This year' s Party Registration Act gave new party leaders only 60 working day to sign up for this year' s election, obliging current party members to re-register and requiring the party to exclude all members who serve time.
There were fewer limitations on the organisation and mobilisation of the 2012 by-elections, with only occasional reporting of slight intrusion. A number of factions, and the NLD included, held gatherings and demonstrations throughout the country. Since 2011, the federal legislature has been allowing members of the Bundestag to talk about democracy. Aung San Suu Kyi has been gaining in politics since she won a place in the 2012 by-elections, even though she has been criticised for her failure to strongly question existing interests or change state policies.
There is still significant control over politics in the army. Despite the establishment of a parliamentary assembly and a civil presidency, the Constitutional Treaty has also consolidated armed domination and allows the army to disband the civil regime when it realises that the "disintegration of the Union or the question of intergovernmental solidarity" is at issue. It has the right to manage its own business, and the members of the former army administration were granted lump-sum parliamentary immunity for all actions.
Minorities are limited in their policy options and privileges. Legislative Council in March 2014 passed a bill to amend the Party Registration Act prohibiting people without full nationality from founding and challenging parliamentary partying. This action dampened the civic involvement of the Rohingyas, who had been made stateless by a 1982 Act and who lacked complete nationality documentation.
In the 2014 population survey, which was a blatant breach of the UN Population Fund policies, the people' s representatives urged the Rohingyas to be registered as "Bengalis", which would mean that they are Bangladeshi origin. Most of those who did not want to be Bengalese remained countless and had little chance of obtaining either a right to politics or acceptance.
The majority of the House is not eligible to vote and the army continues to be a strong political power, particularly through the opaque National Democratic and Reformist Party (NDSC). There is no public access to the army balance, although there is some form of parliamentarian control over it. In Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index 2014, Myanmar was voted 156th out of 175 nations and territories. 14 % of all Myanmar's respondents were from Myanmar.
While the budgetary procedure has become more open, the authorities are not taking any significant action to contain it. Since years the goverment deliberately ignores the fiscal fraud by the richest enterprises and private persons of the country. Eventually, the formal recognition of fiscal fraud took place in 2014, but the scope for open discussion of sensible business matters remains restricted.
For a long time, the regime used force, expulsion and other policies to change the demography of states with racial upheavals. The September 2014 administration approved its Rakhine State Action Plan, which could release tens of thousand Rohingyas for an indefinite period in prison camp because they were unable to document their family histories in Myanmar.
Despite the dissolution of the government agency for censure and the admission of personal dailies for the first public circulation since the 1960', the country suffered a clear relapse into free journalism in 2014. Last March, the US presidency passed two new legislation on the use of the press that decriminalised fundamental journalism practice. Four journalists and the head of Unity Weekly News were convicted in July of ten years in jail and forced labour, later cut down to seven years for having reported a possible CWWF.
Aung Kyaw Naing, a former member of the press and also known as Par Gyi, died in October in detention and the absence of an efficient inquiry into the event underlined the fragile position of the country's press. By 2013, the e-commerce act, which is used in routine to criminalise online policy activities, reduces the sentences to 3 to 7 years imprisonment (from 7 to 15 years) for "any act harmful to public order, public safety, public order, freedom and quiet in the communities, public support, the domestic economies or cultures, and to the "receiving or sending" of information.
From time to time the regime intervenes in church meetings and tries to keep an eye on the Buddha istism. Antimuslim unrest and force are spreading. The United Nations in January 2014 report that at least 48 Muslims were slaughtered in a slaughter under the leadership of Buddhism in the community of Maungdaw in the state of Rakhine. Antimuslim unrest in Mandalay in July caused the death of two persons and the imposition of a one-month ban.
She was also charged with inciting the use of force, which the politicians did little to stop it; some of the more stubborn members of the administration and some of the more persistent religious may be working towards the same goals. Legislative resolution in September adopted a disputed educational bill that maintains the country's authorship of academia and disregards basic freedoms, in particular the right to learn the national language and to educate disadvantaged people.
According to the law on peaceful assembly and peaceful procession 2012, the organization of a rally without the approval of the regime is to be punished with up to one year imprisonment. Safety guards executed a female in December 2014 in a protests against the extension of a coal mine. A new law on the registering of associations was passed by the US presidency in July, which provides for easy, optional registering processes for non-governmental organisations (NGOs) at home and abroad and no limitations or penalties for non-compliance.
Governments violate workers' prerogatives and free labour organisations, wage negotiations and strike action are inadmissible. Adjudicators are nominated or authorised by the authorities and decide according to their will. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma reported that from November 2014, 72 detainees were detained and 136 were on trial. 2,000 of them were held in prison.
In September 2014, a report published by two of Myanmar's community based humanitarian organisations pointed out the country's government-sponsored National Commission on Human Rights and its inefficiency in fulfilling its mandate. Several of the country's most serious violations of international humanitarian law, often perpetrated by goverment forces, are against minority groups, particularly the Kachin, Shan, Chin, Karen and Rohingyas.
In May 2012, violent attacks against Rohingyas and other Muslims in Rakhine state affected towns throughout Myanmar. The horrendous horrific international situation and the recurrent systemic mistreatment to which Rohingyas is exposed in particular have been described by HR specialists as a crime against the people. There is good documentation of the government's failures to defend casualties, investigate and prosecute offenders, although adherents of the 969 anti-Muslim movement were also associated with force through the dispersal of inflammable material shortly before the outbreak.
Throughout the year, the administration kept meeting with the NCCT to solve its disputes with African national minorities, but no consensus was reached on the issue of federation and compliance with the 2008 constitutional treaty. In addition, the discussion is hindered by ongoing hostilities in areas of war, such as an assault by the army near Laiza, Kachin state, which led to the death of 23 caladettes in November.
A large number of expatriate refugees who have come back to the country have suffered considerable delay and circumvention from the governing bodies in their attempts to reissue visa and residence permit, despite the President's call for the exile to go back to work for the country's economic growth. Controversies over colonisation and commercial ventures that violated people' s freedoms persisted in 2014.
There is an abundance of evictions and expulsions, missing reparations and immediate force by state police officers. By October, less than 5 per cent of the more than 6,500 grievances about property ownership had been resolved by civil servants at state and local level. Over 75 per cent of the almost 3,000 grievances to the Ministry of Defense, which addresses the military's huge stockpiles of ground, are left untouched.
Females in some groups have a high traditional socioeconomic standing, but they are still under-represented in the administration and public services. Despite the importance of Aung San Suu Kyi, whose fathers fought for Myanmar's independency, few females have found political approval. Accusations have been made that the regime and people with arms do not allow the presence of females in peacemaking talks.
Legislation that protects a woman from abuse and abuse is inadequate. Home-grown violence as well as traffic in humans is worrying, and trafficked persons expose trafficked persons to a higher level of physical and psychological tension. The increasing anti-Muslim mood has affected the women's right movements. After a group of female Buddhaist militants, part of a government of 97 civic organisations, condemned unjustly directed against Muslims in 2014, they were threatened for their life and security.
It is presumed that the regime tolerates and presumably still leads the use of rapes as a weapons of combat against the wives of ethnically-minorities. In Myanmar the use of children is atrocious. In July 2014, to tackle world problems and enhance early life, the federal administration unveiled policies to end the use of children in work.