Myanmar Chinese


English-Chinese dictionary and many other Chinese translations for'Myanmar'. The official Collins English-Chinese dictionary online. Burmese Chinese have no legal obligation to adopt indigenous names or indigenous names, unlike in Thailand or Indonesia. In the last ten years Myanmar has been one of the largest destinations for Chinese infrastructure investments, especially in hydropower. In this video you can see how Chinese native speakers pronounce and write it (the stroke order in Chinese).

Translate Myanmar Chinese

Translating Myanmar Chinese offers a Chinese to Myanmar translating services. They are able to interpret words and phrases, help to study foreign language. - Between Myanmar and Chinese, type the word and block or insert the content of the moment. - Get high-quality phonetics results that can be used like a Myanmar and Chinese glossary.

  • Sharing translation with other persons. - Text to Speech: Listen to the translation results. The voice diction calls for a networking link. - For further verification, please compile the results into your phrase book.

Myanmar in China's ambition for world domination - Quartz

When the Myanmar government's violence against its Rohingya Muslims was increasingly internationally condemned in 2016, Aung San Suu Kyi refused to stand up for the oppressed group. And, in her efforts to prevent Myanmar from becoming isolated again, she has further deepened relations with her most influential writer neighbour:

China. The current idea that new democracies have little room for autonomous parties seems wrong. Myanmar's democratically transitional period was something of a celebrity before the West began to pay genuine heed to the Rohingya war. However, in fact, the countrys influence is still hostile and the West is still less powerful in Myanmar than China.

Beijing's interests remain a key commercial impact in the state, which is clearly a potentially key player in China's gigantic Belt and Road campaign. China is certainly only one of Myanmar's heavyweights, including Russia and India. Links have been established between Rohingya fighters and extremist groups in Pakistan, such as Jaish-e-Mohammed, just as Beijing has increased pressures on Pakistan to limit its assistance to basicist groups that could jeopardise Chinese interests in Asia.

While examining this disturbing agenda - which included an uprising among the Uighur Muslims of the Chinese Xinjiang provinces - Beijing does not see Myanmar's suppression as a political issue for a Junior Partnership, but as another front in a broader fight for peace. As Myanmar is part of this particular Chinese policy, it also has a role to fulfil in several others.

That is a geo-political power that China exerts all over the globe. Their present Asian external politics follow a similar model to their Africa politics, which focuses strongly on infrastructures and aid for developing countries as well as the production of raw materials. Whether this politics will in the long run help the countries of Africa is still open, but it cannot be ignored that China has had considerable effects on the European Union in a relatively brief while.

There are many Chinese policy criticisms of Beijing's backing for dictatorial and abusive governments such as Sudan, which it supported during much of the Darfur carnage in the 2000s. Even changes of governments do not necessarily turn away from Chinese influences. In 2011, after he came to rule on a surge of anti-Chinese populist rule, Zambia's deceased Michael Sata seemed to be causing difficulties for Chinese interests in his state.

In the end, however, Sata did not respond to his threat but supported his country's Chinese bonds. How does that tell us about China's dealings with Myanmar and the like? It is not always certain, as with the Myanmar process of democratisation, that a more dynamic Beijing system will turn its back.

China seems to have become too strong for most nations to disregard it on its own merits. The only factor contributing to this is the considerable rigour of Chinese external relations policies. In addition to the Belt and Road initiatives, which extend over large parts of Asia as far as Europe, China cultivates squads of its" near abroad", whether in the post-Soviet region or in South-East Asia.

And this also declares China's backing for North Korea in the face of a word conflict between Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un. Although this is often cited as an example of Beijing's failure to exercise Pyongyang oversight, it is also an indication of China's comparative strength: at this stage, all of China's West's steps against North Korea would be unfeasible without Beijing's help.

There is also the question of the South China Seas. Formerly considered an "American lake", China today claims the ocean almost completely and not only for its own sake; in The Tragedy of Great Powers Politics, once argumented by John Mearsheimer, emerging super powers often try to domineer in their spheres of control before they become a world-powered state.

For China, the continuing Rohingya crises is just one of many Asian trends that focus on core interests. This will not allow the world's increasing eagerness and indignation at the conduct of the Myanmar administration to erode a remarkable coherence of external policies - not a project of mercenaries, but a meticulously designed big match.

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