Myanmar Channel Online

The Myanmar Canal Online

Sky Net http://myanmartvchannel.com/sky-net.html. Burma International Television is a state-owned national and international English language television station based in Yangon, Myanmar. Worked in online and print media.

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U.S.-backed station abandons Myanmar Canal in conflict.....

The US-backed station is dropping the Myanmar Canal in the controversy over "Rohingya" after the US attempted to prohibit the term "Rohingya" in its transmission. The Radio Free Asia decided to stop broadcasting its Burma programs with the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) radio station, which is broadcast on state TV.

Burma's democratically elected Voice of Burma worked in exiles during Burma's reign, but came back after Myanmar introduced policy reform in 2011 that entailed the removal of the censor before its release. About 700,000 Rohingya have escaped from Myanmar to Bangladesh since August last year, after the USA and the UN had carried out their own statements on the subject of ethnical clean-up.

Comment: Megaphones of indignation does nothing for Myanmar and the Rohingya

SARGAPHORE: In 1991, the non-governmental organization honored Aung San Suu Kyi with the Nobel Peace Prize while she was under home detention. And then, virtually over night, Mrs Aung San Suu Kyi went from the symbol of freedom to the global-paria. The increasing disenchantment comes from the feeling that she remained quiet about the Rohingya question for too long and was not virulently enough when she eventually talked.

United Nations High Commissioner for International and Security Affairs has denounced the eruption of force in Myanmar, which has prompted the recent flow of Rohingya people to Bangladesh as a "prime example of ethical cleansing". However, defenders of humankind seem to be campaigning to denigrate Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar.

It was Amnesty lodged charges of "untruths and sacrifice". "Myanmar's highest post is your silences, the cost is certainly too high. But against the background of the medial pictures of an enduring, over night lasting crises, the entire world cannot easily reject its counter-narrative of an "iceberg of misinformation" or the broader controversy over the reality of the world.

A history that has appeared in Myanmar's public relations press shows the August 25th attack by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army on positions that were intended to trigger the Tatmadaw military's toughest reaction - the attack occurred the eve of the publication of the Rakhine State Advisory Commission's report.

After this narration, they were computed in such a way that they are doomed to failure in an attempt to "design a just, peaceable and wealthy destiny for the Rakhine people". This is a particularly educational example of a poor municipal dynamic inherent in the UK colonial policy of division and domination, exacerbated by generation after generation of politicians and made more difficult by persistent levels of extreme hardship and hardship affecting both the Rohingya and the Rakhine population.

It' s hard to overlook the fact that Ms Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD was chosen in 2015 amid a burgeoning flood of nationism and municipalism. The Rohingya is seen by many of their constituents as a new policy construction now being used by temporary immigrants at a tortuous and annoying boundary to legitimize old demands for more self-sufficiency and self-sufficiency.

Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar's response to Islamist Islamism is not helpful to all political groups. Firstly, what is considered to be an insurrection of morality makes Myanmar angry and outraged. Its sole purpose is to dampen the votes of those in Myanmar who are against demonizing a minorities. The fact that a Myanmar democracy is facing an existence crises that Mrs Aung San Suu Kyi and her political group are poorly prepared to deal with is nourishing ultra-nationalist oration.

Secondly, the end of decade long isolations and penalties has raised hopes of the recovery of the economy that democracy has heralded. However, there are now indications that Myanmar's economy has been slowing down. Reforms were also sluggish, not least because Mrs Aung San Suu Kyi tried to do too much in too short a period of it.

Ending the shame in political steps such as reintroducing penalties could undo the already very slow catching-up process in a still one of ASEAN's most poor. Thirdly, Mrs Aung San Suu Kyi has the non-enviable job of one-handed leadership and not having all the leverage of authority, as even her most critical opponents know.

She' ll need all the help she can get, inside or outside Myanmar. This is a process that demands great skill and enormous amounts of power for lengthy negotiation in a land with a long tradition of municipal insurrection, and not just in Rohingya. At the beginning of 2017, Kuala Lumpur was host to a meeting of the Organization for Islamic Cooperation, which strongly criticized the Myanmar administration.

After all, Malaysia is home to almost 60,000 UN-registered Rohingya migrants. Nevertheless, ASEAN must recognise that Rohingya is no longer a national issue but has important repercussions for local security and security. Leaved alone, the Rohingya will remain a purulent sore and will destabilize the whole operational surrounding and local order in ASEAN.

ASEAN' s dialog partners, India, are already facing deportation of their Rohingya returnees due to increasing safety worries. And even if one questions the hands of the terrorists who use the Rohingya as a protective screen, the turmoil and extent of the human catastrophe is a fruitful soil for radicalization and recruiting, which all ASEAN states must be worried about.

Burma needs a local remedy. Myanmar's only view of the Rohingya as a biological construction must finally overcome the jail of the past, be convinced to leave behind genuine and perceptible historic injustice and recognise the soil reality of those who call Myanmar home. However, this discussion cannot take place when the global economy mocks and threatens new financial sanctioning against Myanmar and its democratically elected leaders.

The ASEAN can fight against Myanmar's possible global economic and social isolated, which is helping neither Myanmar nor the Rohingya. Mr. Kang Siew Kheng is a Senior Fellow of the S Rajaratnam School of lnternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.

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