Although Rohingya - a Moslem ethnical majority of about 1 million of Burma's 52 million predominantly Buddhist population - has been living in Burma for generation after generation, most consider them alien invaders from neighbouring Bangladesh. "The Rohingya are probably the most unfriendly humans in the whole wide globe.
Nearly all Rohingya are living in the West Burmese state of Rakhine, where the army has intensified its operation since November, when nine policemen were murdered in an attack on guards along the Bangladesh-Band. The Rohingya village people, equipped with home-made guns, defied the forces and an unidentified number of village people passed away, along with a fistful of them.
Rohringya humanitarian groups say that several hundred people have been murdered since October. In New York, the New York group Humane Right Watch says that 1,250 homes and other buildings were burnt down by satellites. It was a great frustration that Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, whose faction took over Burma this year after decade-long years in the Burmese army, neglected to alleviate Rohingya's suffering despite her call as a campaigner for peace and security.
Favouring Rohingya's right is an untenable policy stand.
Myanmar/Burma: Look out for this room!
In a year, there will be a new administration in Myanmar. Or, President Thein Sein's administration will have won a second five-year mandate. Whilst the character of the next administration is in question, a certitude is that the coming year will be a decisive one for the over 50 million Myanmar residents fighting to come out of sixty years of conflicts and destitution.
Myanmar's response to the challenge of that time will have an impact on the wider global community when it comes to solving long-standing conflict, establishing democracy, sustaining sustained global prosperity, harnessing the richness of resources and reducing interfaith tensions. Thein Sein administration has made unparalleled effort to sign a "National Ceasefire Agreement" and launch a "Political Dialogue" to negotiate changes to the constitution that transfer enough powers to please the minority groups (40 per cent of the country's population) and create the foundation for a lasting peaceful settlement.
Concerning minority groups, their capacity to protect themselves against Myanmar's armed forces also directly relies on a variety of often competitive official, informational and illicit rentals. They have also received financial support from outsiders: members of their diasporas around the globe (especially in the UK and the United States), neighbouring country administrations (especially Thailand and China), remote country administrations (especially the US government) and a gathering of NGOs from around the globe.
Myanmar will not be able to achieve the level of wealth in Asia as long as the level of warfare and related rental requests remains at the present level. Myanmar's expertise can help other nations break the cycle of conflicts and livelihoods if it succeeds in creating short-term solutions against all resistance.
In 1948 Myanmar became self-sufficient with a British style parliamentarian system. By 1958, Congress gave the country over to the army to re-establish order and arrange for new general election in 1960. In 1962, when these polls were unable to break up the fractionalism that disturbed the regime, General Ne Win fired the House in a putsch.
Only a few thought that something had happened when former General Thein Sein became president of the state on March 30, 2011, even when he gave an inauguration speech full of unparalleled commitment to democracy. However, Daw Suu Kyi, who was released from home detention a few day after the 2010 elections, had a fruitful one-on-one with President Thein Sein in August 2011 and the perception of the current state of affairs began to shift in apace.
There is no doubt that the form of the Zimbabwean system will develop under the next administration, but the course and speed are unforeseeable. In contrast to all other Far Eastern nations, Myanmar is establishing a dynamic democracy before its economies have risen from low-wage to middle-income states. Myanmar's priorities for establishing a dynamic democracy have the capacity to subject the nation to gradual economic expansion during its first forty years of autonomy.
When Myanmar defies adversity and performs better in a democracy, the outlook for other conflicting nations may be more positive than anticipated. Myanmar's finances are still primarily cash-based, but the bank system is undergoing more rapid reform than anticipated, which will be greatly supported by the US lift of fiscal penalties in 2013.
A further major step forward in the business world was the award of cell communications licences to Ooredoo (Kuwait) and Telenor (Norway) for the expansion of the move. Public cover will increase from less than 10 per cent in 2013 to around 80 per cent in 2018, the quickest roll-out for a nation of this sizable.
Astonishingly, there is not a motorway or rail link between Myanmar and any of its five neighbouring states. Myanmar's ability to make a significant contribution to the overall economy's inclusion and development as a member of the ASEAN 10 National Association has the capacity to make a significant contribution to the world. Like any other nation, Myanmar's abundance of resources was more of a swear than a boon.
Thein Sein's most tragic move was his postponement of the building of a China hydroelectric power plant in September 2011. Thein Sein took the bold move to join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). It is a worldwide endeavor to show that the proceeds of resources extracted are fully used for the good of the entire community and are not channelled into the pocket of mighty people and groups.
An important milestone is the submission of a January 2016 reporting that will enable Myanmar to move from candidacy level to EITI-compliant state. If, against all resistance, the Myanmar International Assessment Programme complies with European Union (EITI) norms, Myanmar will serve as a rolemodel and source of motivation for a dozen other nations that suffer from a natural heel. Most of Myanmar's Buddhists believe that Muslims - spread throughout the entire land - pose a menace to their religions and even their very livelihood.
Myanmar's anti-Muslim mood is difficult for the outsider to believe, but it was enough to prevent Daw Suu Kyi from supporting her because the policy costs are too high. Afraid of non-Buddhist minority groups among Myanmar's Myanmar Buddha party may be the country's most persistent issue.
In the near future it is difficult to conceive that a new administration or a new head will achieve a major change in this area. However, if concrete steps forward are taken, this could lead to a reconciling effort in other conflicting states. Myanmar's most important bi-lateral relations are with China, but they are not simple.
China in particular backed Burma's Communist Party in the first 30 years of Myanmar's Independence. However, most types of assistance were problematic as they concerned the exploitation of resources under conditions that were not necessarily favourable to Myanmar. China's influence in Myanmar's economic system since President Thein Sein abandoned the Myitsone dam, has been largely halted, with two exemptions.
Secondly, China has built two pipeline projects for the production of petroleum and petroleum from a harbour in the Indian Ocean across central Myanmar to Yunnan province. Concerned in its policy dealings, the PRC authorities are particularly concerned about the thousand fleeing to China to avoid the Myanmar army's outrages.
China is obviously not comfortable with Myanmar's drive towards democracy, but it has not yet found a way to exploit the opening of Myanmar's economic system. Myanmar's relations with Thailand have four great aspects. In political terms, the May 2014 Thai military putsch could be seen by Myanmar's army as a blueprint for re-gaining power over their state.
From an economic point of view, about a fourth of the power used by Thailand is exported from Myanmar, which creates a vitally important dependence. In the social sector, an estimation of 2 to 3 million Myanmar residents live in Thailand and provide many branches of the Thai business community with cheap labour. In spite of the basic tension, the relationship between the two nations should stay factual under the next administration.
I think Japan is Myanmar's best mate nowadays. Japan's specialists provide engineering support in most areas of Myanmar's business. Japan's commitment is expected to stay at a high standard, regardless of the form of Myanmar's next administration. United States-Myanmar relations are as complicated as China's, but for various reason.
Relations continue to focus on Daw Suu Kyi and her "legitimate" rôle as the country's leading woman. Congress seems unable to understand the challenge of Myanmar's current transitional period. Unless Daw Suu Kyi arrives at a satisfactory next term in office, there is a good chance that the United States will again apply some penalties to Myanmar.
That would be regrettable, because the general public will be more injured than the mighty men who show up. It is also unlikely that other nations will join the United States in "punishing" Myanmar, thereby undermining US policy's reputation on Asia. Politicoeconomic cross-currents make it difficult to know whether Myanmar's four-year transformation to a more tranquil, wealthy and dynamic societies will continue in a year's time.
Myanmar will probably get away with a mixture of good and evil information. Myanmar's military-led transitions are remarkable in comparison to Arab sources, which have become angry in less than five years. Myanmar's best friend will realise that it is counter-productive to be eager and press for political impracticable reform.
4 ] Delegates to the meetings of the seven "regions" and seven "states" of Myanmar and members of the country's federal parliaments are appointed. Her two children were borne in the UK and her husbands dying of breast cancers in the UK while under home detention in Myanmar. 6 ] Myanmar's chairman is not directly elect.
The House of Lords and the House of Commons instead convene as an electoral college to choose the President and two Vice-Presidents. Seventy per cent of Myanmar's people live in the countryside. 9 ] While the Myanmar administration has given Myanmar's few Rohingya nationality, most of them are "stateless. "In the past year Rohingya have escaped from Myanmar by ship, often attracted by people smugglers.
Because of the distances and the mountains, the road through the seven north-eastern states of India to its centres of populations is a cost-intensive one.