Is Myanmar Democratic nowNow is Myanmar democratic?
What brought Myanmar's democratic system to a standstill?
Aung San Suu Kyi (right), Myanmar's Councillor of State, wrongly bears the main responsibility for the nation's deadlocked state. Aung San Suu Kyi (right), Myanmar's Councillor of State, wrongly bears the main responsibility for the nation's deadlocked state. Aung San Suu Kyi, Nobel Peace Prize winner, has been a State Councillor of Myanmar since 2016.
While she is mainly the premier, the country's fight to establish democratisation seems to have come to a standstill. There' s only good tidings from Myanmar, according to recent westerly newscasts. Infinite disillusioning stories report about the prosecution of the Rohingya people, the refugee escape to Bangladesh, court order fraud, ethnical cleansings, journalist oppression, Buddhist assassination and the assassination of a top government advisor from Burma.
The report's criticism is that Suu Kyi is lacking the belief to do what is necessary to build a contemporary, robust and advanced democrat. Suu Kyi has been fighting for 30 years for Myanmar's democratic cause. It is not bravery or a lack of engagement for democratic assets, but rather the institution's ability to bring the countrys progress towards such objectives more quickly.
Myanmar has been hit hard by more than half a hundred years of dictatorship by the war. It was once a settlement courageous enough to claim its sovereignty of the British Empire, but today it is a tentative nation terrorised by centuries of oppression. There seems to be a danger that the country's army will regain full rule over the state.
Let us assume that in a still young democratic system, most of the institutions of higher learning have been shut down over the last three years. There has been state power, the instruction of students in politics has been banned, and many students have even been refused access to primary schooling. It would be expected that democratic impetus would be slowed down and that it would be very hard to follow democratic ideas efficiently.
This is exactly what is happening in Myanmar. I' ve been a Fulbright fellow for the last four month at the University of Mandalay, Myanmar's second-biggest town. The Mandalay is about the equivalent of San Antonio, in a land like Texas, but with more than twice the number of inhabitants.
Mandalay University Faculty of Jurisprudence is considered the best in Myanmar. A number of senior, seasoned legal teachers have lived through many years in the army government and are comfortingly forward-looking. These include many abilities that are essential for a powerful democratic system, such as independence of thought, freedom of speech, impassioned intercession and adherence to sincere practician.
Myanmar's government's senior West African monitors say Suu Kyi faces the same issue. A group of prospective guides who have been raised under even a fragile democratic system does not exist. It is lacking the necessary institutions to achieve full democratisation more quickly. There is a lack of knowledge, expertise and bravery resulting from a good initial training, attendance of good schools and schools, free media readings and life in a democratic world.
Work on building strong Myanmar's civil society and politics is continuing in many ways. Prospective college and college graduates and activist packing on a regular basis at the US-funded Jefferson Center in Mandalay and the American Center in Yangon to listen to speeches, browse and use the web, and encounter other reform-minded individuals. During my lessons, pupils are studying the importance of ethical principles in social affairs and discussing the threat to democratic societies around the globe.
You will also give lectures on the possibilities of establishing more powerful democratic systems and on the use of the rule of law to combat bribery in the fields of governance, schooling and profession. Young Myanmar students, who recently gave lectures at a 25-year-old Mandalay University Legal Department meeting, discussed important issues such as HRH, shareholders' interests, environment, women's issues and children's issues.
I have held three trainings for about three dozens of advanced members of parliament on crucial questions of their state. Instead of skipping these National Democracy Institute-sponsored night programmes financed by the U.S. State Department, members of parliament were listening to my translations of my lectures and studying my transparencies, which had been transformed into Burmese.
It will take a while to build an efficient democratic system, especially when anti-democratic powers are powerful and recent events have been violent. It is imperative that the United States continues to work with the Myanmar community and supports their best aspirations for the years to come. This can be seen in the faces of the population of Burma on the pulsating roads, on the campus and on the fair.
You know that it is much better than being a dictator and you favour the use of the world' s links rather than being isolated. Whilst automobiles are too costly for most individuals, electrical and LPG powered vehicles are pretty omnipresent. If you look at the folks who use their telephones and often drive two, three or four to a motorbike, it is clear that they are lucky.
The development of efficient democratic bodies is a gradual proces, even in the best of seasons. In the meantime, the United States must make a major effort to invest in Myanmar by building the important links created by enhanced commerce, travel, education exchanges and diplomacy. Burma deserved it. Johnson is Professor of Law at St. Mary's University and a Fulbright Fellow at the University of Mandalay, Myanmar.