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Myanmar's House has been gagged by democratisation
MYANMAR' s law is a pathetic confusion of recolonial remains, nationalist ukas and army enactments - a mirror image of its turbulent past. About 140 of them need to be rewritten, says Htin Kyaw Aye of Open Myanmar Initiative, a think-tank that monitors the MEPs. You might think that the first free Hluttaw, or the House, has been working more than half a hundred hours on this discouraging census.
"I can' t tell you which law will have priority," he conceded. The MPs did not even know how long they would stay in Naypyidaw-Myanmar's capitol. Myanmar's former parliamentary assembly, headed by the fig-leaf Myanmar longtime army government, was far more vigorous than the present one, which was ruled by the National League for Democracy (NLD), which ran general election in 2015.
As a result, the old building produced on board more than twice as many bills per meeting, put many more issues to the administration and adopted almost fourfold as many applications to the lawmakers. I' ve only got 41," laments a harassed Hluttaw-officer. There were similar disadvantages for the former European Union but it was able to achieve even more.
Hypereactivity in the last legislative period was mainly fuelled by the ambitions of its spokesman, Thura Shwe Mann. After inheriting a mostly solemn stance, he swore to transform it into an institutional body to which the government would be accountable. It is not the product of harassment by members of the army, who take up a fourth of the Hluttaw seat under the terms of the draft Constitutional Treaty drawn up by the state.
Former members of the former Bundestag often had extensive leadership experiences. However, most NLD members are former deportees of politics who were in prison for calling for a democratic state.