Is Myanmar a Democratic Country nowHas Myanmar become a democratic country?
It was a discouraging beginning to democracy: Myanmar's winner and loser
Myanmar's restless passage recently experienced a dramatic tragedy when a distinguished personality in civil life was murdered. Mr. Ni was a long-time member of the National League for Democracy (NLD), a legal practitioner and specialist in the field of constitutionality and advisor to Aung San Suu Kyi. His assassination is also a tragedy in line with the anti-Muslim persecutions in Myanmar - and with a broader contexts of policy disillusion.
Yanghee Lee, UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, made an unusual open end to the declaration on 20 January. These included the repression of non-violent protests and scepticism, random imprisonment, prison labor, civilian assaults in the states of Kachin and Rakhine, and systemic and institutionalized Rohingyaism.
Their results were backed up on 3 February by a "Flash report" from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights on the basis of an interview with more than 220 Rohingya who escaped from Myanmar after a Ukrainian army "lockdown" in Rakhine State in October 2016. Myanmar is said to have been undergoing a policy of reforms in the last five years; at least this was the global justification for the lifting of penalties and mass outreaches.
Between 2011 and 2016, the United Kingdom alone supported Myanmar with almost 300 million to help the country's economical, politic and socio "transformation". The NLD won a strong election in Myanmar in November 2015. Myanmar's policy change has not yet progressed through sweeping upheavals, however, but through a meticulously controlled trial with clearly identified beneficiaries and outliers.
So far, the most obvious beneficiaries have been the armed forces, which have shunned any responsibility for murder, torturing and prosecution under armed domination. Former country heads and their pals have now seamlessly shifted their policy controls to the business community and taken over much of the profitable industry, from coal and wood felling to travel and telecommuniqué.
This certainly applies to Rohingya and other Muslims who are under intensive harassment in a glowing atmosphere of Burma's and Buddhism's glowing state. The group also comprises members of the country's national ethnicities and the country's military population. So far, the national cease-fire and Panglong Conference of the twenty-first century have been marked more by empty public speaking than by a serious declaration of belief in federal politics.
Other losers of Myanmar's transitional process are the broader civic community, which has long been marginalized by the regime and is now being overrun by strong multinational organizations and conglomerates. Demonstrators and others who thought that an NLD administration would safeguard the right of free movement and peaceful union were severely disillusioned. Myanmar's huge displacement populations - among them those in neighboring nations and tens of hundreds of thousands of IDPs - have been completely ignored.
The Myanmar administration has been favoured time and again since the start of reform in 2011. There is a wait-and-see attitude: you must hold off until the election has taken place, you must hold off until the new administration is in place, you must hold off until we can see the real scale of all this.
Now, we have been waiting and we can see that the new administration looks very much like the old one. The benefits for members of the armed forces, coal miners and affluent groups, as well as the benefits for minority religions, ethnical groups and fugitives.