How was Military Rule Established in Myanmar

What was the establishment of military rule in Myanmar?

Tatmadaw is the official name of the armed forces of Myanmar (Burma). NDSC is the highest authority in the government of Myanmar. Myanmar experts cited the main reforms that the NLD must start implementing as follows: It abolished the constitution and established a xenophobic military government. On the way to Myanmar's new stage of development:

The military government to democracy: Myanmar's changing face?

The Myanmar population will take part in the elections on 8 November, which are seen as a move towards full democratic elections after almost half a hundred years of war. In Myanmar, reform has been in effect since 2010, when the army regime was superseded by a military-backed civil administration, but how far have these reformed and what more needs to be done?

Southeast Asia's biggest and once wealthiest country, what were the effects of consecutive army regime on Myanmar? In an expert committee we will examine what Myanmar's situation is, what the rifts are in terms of policy and ethics, and what changes the elections will entail. Under the chairmanship of Paul French, an writer and widely used analysts and commentators for Asia, Asiatic policy and topical issues.

Kkanhpa Sadan is General Secreter of the Kachin National Council, Kachin National Organisation. One of the founders of the Kachin exiled politics movements, he is headquartered in the UK and has offices in Europe, the USA and Asia. In 2012, he was appointed for another year as Myanmar's Consultant.

From 1970 to 2002 he worked as a Diplomate, among others in Tokyo, Brussels, Bonn, in charge of the political planners office and in Asia.

Myanmar Wars and Truce

Indeed, the Myanmar dispute is perhaps the most persistent in the whole game. Burma has the longest lasting civilian battle in the history of the country. There are more than a decade of racial groups struggling for independence against the prevailing pressure from the Bamar minority. Aung San Suu Kyi, the world's most prominent democratic symbol, leads a new and democratic administration working to negotiate a lasting settlement.

Not only Myanmar's neighbor in Asia but also in other conflicting nations will be affected by their succes or not. In 1948 the summer camp began with the liberation from imperialism. Commommunist insurrection and ethnical rebellion led to the collapse of the parliament' s independent regime. In 1962, General Ne Win took over and introduced five decade-long periods of army reign to re-establish order and maintain the unit of the state.

Army screwed up the operation. This resulted in a national revolt in 1988, which led the army to give up the Nazi route and revert to a free will. Out of the rebellion, Aung San Suu Kyi became the head of the resistance against the army government, and the leaders made her an idol of true democratic power by holding her under home detention and recklessly oppressing her followers for more than 20 years.

In 2004, the army took its first tentative step towards a gradual transformation to democracy. In 2008, a new parliament was passed and a nationwide elections took place in 2010. While the 2011 quasi-democratic regime was headed by a former general and ruled by the army, the next elections in 2015 were notably free and free.

The Daw Suu Kyi faction won almost 80 per cent of the votes. In the 70s and 80s, the army targeted to destroy the civilian population. After failing this, the army changed to a policy of renegotiating distinct cease-fire deals with each group in the nineties. Based on these personal cease-fires, the quasi-democratic regime under President Thein Sein worked from 2011 to 2016 to reach a nationwide cease-fire deal that included all ethnically based arms groups, but it could not persuade more than half of them to do so.

The Aung San Suu Kyi government's top priorities are clearly to achieve this. For this purpose, it called a Union conference on 31 August, the first in a row to be organised every six-month. There is little indication from minority groups that the army is willing to give them equal treatment.

There is little sign in the army that the minority groups want to be part of the Myanmar people. There is also the incompatible goals between the various minority races and between the civil and army rulers of these races. Controlling the country's rich biodiversity, particularly in the frontier areas populated by minority communities, is at the core of the dispute and it is difficult to find a mutually agreeable form of shared use.

They want to begin with disarming, demobilising and reintegrating ethnical troops. First of all, the minority groups want to amend the 2008 constitutional treaty in order to create a federation that gives them an adequate level of independence. United Nations, United States and every peace-loving nation in the worid are trying to help Myanmar achieve it.

Myanmar needs most right now is room to find its own way to freedom. Aung San Suu Kyi's government's five-year mandate may not be sufficient and may only slow the achievement of the objective. Aung San Suu Kyi's success in bring Myanmar a peaceful future will stimulate conflict resolution in other parts of the globe.

This will also be a great asset to democracy, and it is therefore important for America.

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