How Myanmar became a Democratic CountryMyanmar became a democratic country
Myanmar's freedom journey
Myanmar's fight for liberty has been long and laborious. Their path to democratisation was disrupted by war, nationalism and militarisation, leading to a period of unstable politics, economics and society. It was a UK settlement for over a hundred years. On January 27, 1947, Aung San, then Prime Minister of the crown royalty of Burma, and the UK Prime Minister in London eventually concluded an accord that guaranteed Burma autonomy within a year.
Panglong was initialled between Aung San and Burma's political leadership, who guarantee Burma's sovereignty as a single state and give the border areas, which include Shan, Kachin and Chin, full administrative authority. When the path to independency was galvanised, Aung San and several cabin inetmins were murdered by paramilitary artillery in July 1947.
He was named father of the nation of present-day Myanmar by Aung San's part in ensuring the country's independency from Britain's reign and reunification. The prominent politician of Aung San is supported by his current Myanmar State Councillor Aung San Suu Kyi. Burma's path to liberty and tranquillity was broken in 1962 when the army under the leadership of General Ne Win carried out a coup that resulted in a subsequent years in a country under dictatorial warfare.
Motivating the army to take over was the continuing conflict and the urge for independence or federation by non-Burmese people. Burma's many communities were embroiled in one of the longest ever internal conflicts, and the central community was found to be too under-represented.
Although enshrined in the 1947 constitution, the army regime saw the use of the concept of federality as anti-national and antiunitary and took measures against these fights. Nearly all facets of our societies, such as the economy, medias and manufacturing, have been nationalised or placed under state supervision. Occasional demonstrations against the Yangon army regime were staged, many of them under the leadership of student leaders.
1989 the Burmese army regime modified the British translation of many Burmese nicknames from the Burmese colonies or before. Name-changing is still a controversial topic, as many do not recognise the legality of the reigning army rule or its authorities to name it.
Aung San Suu Kyi came back to Burma in 1988 after graduating from university abroad. When she saw the abuse of the country by the army junta, she put forward demands for democratisation. Following the pro-democracy protest, the National League for Democracy found itself in the foreground as a policy forum with questions of democratisation and people.
As soon as she was released, the regime promised her liberty, but she declined. For the first election in almost 30 years, the May 1990 election was called. But the army declined to relinquish control and ruled the country until 2011. Aung San Suu Kyi was given the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize for her democratic initiative.
In 2008 a plebiscite began, and in 2010 parliamentary ballots were conducted under the new constitutional system. The NLD was boycotting the election for "unfair election laws" that demanded that the NLD exclude its president Aung San Suu Kyi. Suu Kyi was set free by the administration six clear of the election, which was thought to conceal the manipulated results.
By 2011, the army june was formally disbanded and a nominal civil regime was established, ending almost 50 years of war. The NLD won a parliamentary majoritarian vote in both chambers of the National Assembly in the 2015 trend-setting polls, the first frankly controversial polls in Myanmar since 1990. Aung San Suu Kyi was appointed State Councillor, a post similar to that of Prime Minister, and Htin Kyaw was voted the first non-military presidential candidate since the 1962 putsch.
After Htin Kyaw resigned, former lower House spokesman Win Myint became the tenth Myanmar official since the country's liberation. Myanmar's new policy environment has led to a number of trends, particularly in the business sector. FDI flows came in and, according to the International Monetary Fund, the country became Asia's youngest democratic nation and the most rapidly expanding one.
The Council reiterates that representational and integrative democracies can lead to wealth. But there are different views on the institutionalisation of Myanmar's democratic system. Burma's army continues to be a major political power, holding 25% of Burma's political seat by leg. Criticism continues to be voiced about the government's handling of minority groups and its reaction to the uprisings.
Concern is also increasing about restrictions on the free movement of the media. Myanmar's path to liberty still needs many transitional stages if it is to rise fully and fulfil its pledge of a genuine democratic system that respect fundamental freedoms and the principles of the state. It is a sharp ascent, but not as sharp as what the country would loose if it allowed the democratic system to slide down again.
The FNF has promoted Myanmar's democratic transformation by fostering greater prosperity, constitutional justice and democratic liberalism. It is currently working with governments, parliaments, judges, attorneys and civic groups to help strengthen democratic institutions, enhance the commercial sustainability of small and medium-sized businesses through political reforms and equitable competitiveness, strengthen the regulatory framework to enhance the rule of law, fight against corruption and strengthen the capacities of key actors.