How did Myanmar became a Democratic Country

Becoming a democratic country?

Soon the people began to hate the tyrants, and when their benefits were exhausted, even the government was ashamed of them. This was an embarrassing moment for the military because Myanmar was. Burma has already been quoted in support of Huntington's thesis. People of Myanmar swept the streets of Yangon and other cities to celebrate. It was the declared aim of the seven-level plan to restore full democracy in the country.

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Are illiberalisms a ªbump in the roadº? From Rachel Risoleo

New York Times Max Fisher recently noted that although Myanmar was once a lighthouse of democratic transformation from a recently demilitarized state, it is now "a trial of how it[democracy] is failing". "Myanmar's brutality against the Rohingya, the Rakhine state's Islamic minorities, is the most evident indication that the state of Myanmar's democratic system is not as "hopeful" as it once seemed.

This terrible ethnical purge, however, is not the only obstacle to Myanmar's democratic system; rather, it is a representation of a more profound, systematic one. Burma is an example of what has made Fareed Zakaria an "illiberal democracy"[1], a system in which people vote for their leader but are not protected by the safeguards of liberals-right.

Myanmar's remarkable shortage of free market assets and safeguards can help explaining how the country's army government has been able to carry on after the country's democratic upheaval. This also shows that the country's democratic flagship, Aung San Suu Kyi, is not nearly enough to truly democratise the state.

Mr Zakaria argued that "democracy without libertarianism is not just insufficient, but rather hazardous. "Sheri Berman later repeated this feeling in a 2017 document, recognising that "without the constitutional state and other fundamental liberals, it is easy for democracies to be suitable for popularist or majority assaults. "Myanmar can technologically be described as a democratic country, albeit a young one.

The EU had its first free and free and equitable election in 2015 and at least partially moved from junior to civil government. The persistence of continual checks on media and minority groups - and in particular the racial clean-up of the Rohingya people - illustrates these risks of the illiberal. Aung San Suu Kyi, a remarkable defender of fundamental freedoms and a landmark of regional democracies, was voted into parliament in 2012 and de facto assumed leadership of the country in 2015, raising hope for global (and national) democracies in the country.

Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy in 2015 marked "the first free election in a generation". "Suu Kyi was an international humanity icon not only for her own achievements - she was honored with the Nobel Prize in 1991 for her pro-democracy work in what was then Burma - but also for her father's open advocacy for the conciliation of various Burmese communities during his struggle for freedom from Britain's domination.

Suu Kyi's win seemed to be the long-awaited end to the country's oppressive army government and the country's imbalance. While it seemed a great step forward for Myanmar's democracies, the 2015 elections and their consequences threatened the evolution of the democratic process. In 2015, Suu Kyi and her political group won a hefty 77 per cent of the votes.

This astonishing outcome was a surprise for everyone concerned - in retrospect, NLD spokesperson Nyan Win credited this enormous win to" remaining hate for the military" and the constituency's wish for a truly democratic, civil state. Maybe less obvious, the elections have given Suu Kyi much room for manoeuvre in turning the country into a democratic state.

Suu Kyi concluded an accord with the army in 2016 that retained an essential strategic position in government. Aung San Suu Kyi has not yet denounced the military's widespread - and terrible - anti-Rohingya smear campaigns in Myanmar. Despite continuing to exert significant governmental control over Myanmar, the army is now doing so under the cover of Suu Kyi's civil government.

Not only does this hinder but it also violates the democratic process because its blatant non-democratic action (i.e. ethnical cleansing) is legitimised by the "support" of a democratic and civil state.

" It used to be a army regime, so nobody would believe them when they said terrible things. Now it is the civil rule of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who says these uninformed things and legitimises hatred. She is damaging the overall democratic integrity because of her democratic iconship, when Suu Kyi has refused to condemn the military's ethnical purge against the Rohingya (among other non-democratic and exclusiv actions).

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