Help MyanmarMyanmar Help
Assistance for children in Myanmar
As soon as a baby is in Myanmar, its opportunities in human existence are under threat. As a matter of fact, 50 out of 1000 kids are dying before their fifth year. Now, to exacerbate these issues, a recent increase in the level of violent conflict in the north of Rakhine threatens the livelihoods of MYR.
Rohingya refugees have been fleeing to Bangladesh since August 2017 after the violent events in the north of Myanmar, Rakhine, have escalated rapidly and alarmingly. Our programmes are aimed at providing youngsters from early infancy to adult life with a sound and secure learning and growth setting. We have programmes for elementary schoolchildren that help to turn pupils into life-long learning by creating powerful curricula and enthusiastic instructors.
Through our educational healthcare programmes, we also offer healthcare and nursing for needy kids to help them remain fit, well fed and in the classroom. These important programmes in Myanmar offer Myanmar kids a good starting point and an excellent chance to study and protect them from damage thanks to the generosity of our fellows.
Contribute to help Myanmar and the rest of the planet to help kids live and prosper. Support a baby and help it to develop healthily, educationally and safely.
Aid to the UN for Myanmar
In the past months UN Secretary-General António Gooderres proclaimed the nomination of Christine Schraner Burgener, a special envoy for Myanmar, thus mark the beginning of a new era in the UN's longstanding effort to broker Myanmar's domestic conflict and advance the promotion of people. Mr Guterres is the 4th Secretary-General to address this question since the 1993 General Assembly first asked for help in the implementation of its Myanmar-Releases.
He will be the fifth Deputy Commissioner to follow in the steps of Alvaro de Soto, Razali Ismail, Ibrahim Gambari and Vijay Nambiar. At first sight, the new envoys' official mandates differ from those of their forerunners. Whereas previous UN resolution included a long agenda of issues led by calls on the army to comply with the peoples democrat will, the recent one focuses by an overwhelming majority on the Rohingya refugees crises, for which the new democratic administration is largely jointly responsible.
Burgener would nevertheless be well advised to continue to concentrate on further policy change in Myanmar, which will shape the long-term fortunes of the entire state, as well as the Rohingya. It is a very important and urgent issue for Rohingya Muslims (called "Bengali" by the Myanmar administration because they do not recognize them as tribal people).
Not only is this one of the most serious human crisis in the history of Myanmar, but it is also a major threat to destroy much of the headway made in Myanmar in the last five years. It could disrupt the national multiethnic and multi-religious community and make it a goal for multiethnic and multi-religious groups.
Myanmar's governance is split within the nation. Since the new Aung San Suu Kyi State Councillor took power in April 2016, however, the civil and strategic sides of the regime appear to be working against each other as well. The paradoxical thing is that the former Nobel Peace Prize winner and former head of the political parties is widely criticised for being too closely associated with the army, the country's most influential body, but she has largely neglected to establish a fruitful relationship with them.
That has made it almost impractical for the administration to tackle the great issues of the countrys economy, such as Rakhine, but also the wider pacification processes in an effective way. You are forgetting (for the moment) the democratic aspect; the two branches of governance need each other and must be motivated to work together for the good of the state.
Myanmar and its indigenous minorities also continue to be profoundly split. At first promising, the 2011 talks have been in abeyance for two years and are screaming for fresh foreign interest, especially as the large-scale struggles in Kachin and the North Shan States are causing new sufferings and complaints every day.
That was a key concern of former UN envoys Vijay Nambiar, but since his leaving the immediate engagement has been limited to China and Japan, who seem to be mainly interested in their own geo-strategic rivalries and domestic interests. A lot of people in the community have the feeling that they and their community have been abused in the same way as the Rohingya for centuries and that their first true opportunity for a peaceful future has been lost.
It is difficult for them to comprehend why the multinational corporation is fully concerned with the Rakhine state which, in their view, is only one of the symptoms of the fundamental unease that has plagued Myanmar since its 1948 victory - the failures of Burma's consecutive dominant regimes to regard the country's racial nationality as equals in the Union and in the world.
After all, Myanmar and the global fellowship are becoming more and more divided (and yes, the latter is divided in itself, but we have to put that aside for the time being). Even before the Rohingya crises hit the news and made regular democracy almost non-existent, there was increasing tension between the Myanmar government and local humanitarian and humanitarian organizations.
It is a great temptation for the new ambassador, who must try to restore confidence and at the same a very controversial remit. It is also a long-term barrier to the development of libertarian assets and structures, as well as respect for fundamental freedoms, which is located right next to China.
In order for Burgener to help the UN help Myanmar solve the Rohingya refugees crises, it will have to try to repair all these tense or shattered relations. Burgener must be governed by the fundamental values of fundamental freedoms in the exercise of his office. Its main task as arbitrator is to unite the various groups in Myanmar into a shared view of the country's destiny, which can then be implemented by the global fellowship.