Dvb Burmese latest NewsBurmese News
Paratroopers of Kachin taken prisoner by Burma's Mansi military.
Eighteen Kachin locals caught by the Myanmar military in Mansi (click to see them) started an attack on the Kachin Independence Force (KIA) in the Nam Gau community of Mansi Township on Thursday, according to a Free Burma Rangers (FBR) field unit providing local health assistance.
According to the story, eighteen people in the community were taken prisoner by Burma's forces, which also shot at the refugees: "The fights got tougher on January 31, with Burma's military forces not only targeting Nam Gau, but also Nam San Village, just to the south of the first site of outbreak. Severe mortars and gunfire struck the town when Burma Battalion 276 attacked," FBR said. "Most of the inhabitants of these two towns had already escaped because of an early advance by Burma troop; after this last attempt, all the rest of the family have now escaped from the town.
Kachin Independence Army (KIA) defended the town, FBR said, noticing that a KIA trooper had been murdered in the fighting.FBR also noted that one of its aid crews ran a health center in Nam Lim Pa for the few displaced people there.
They were all murdered when the Burmese army assaulted Nam Lim Pa in November 2013; a whopping seven men were murdered in these November attacks," the group said in response to President Ye Htut's spokesman that "Tatmadaw is carrying out an illegally felling operations in the area and some KIO forces are hindering this operations because they are engaged in illicit trade".
Burma's firewall fighters
he Norwegian Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) had 30 protestors on the street who opened fire on last September's armed protesters, the climax of week-long pro-democracy outcry. In spite of the stringent prohibitions imposed by the government, the media used the web to send messages and pictures to DVB, which distributed the information worldwide.
Coverage, some of which was repeated by large global newspapers such as CNN and Al-Jazeera, provided the rest of the worrying and icons queens of the riots that became known as the Saffron Revolution. Burma's agencies, who saw these non-censored imagery seeping through their strictly regulated boundaries, closed the web at the peak of their violent repression, which led to the arrest of nearly 3,000 and the death of at least 31 others.
Journalists say that their press organisations are covering local history as quickly as ever. A report on the recent coverage of the catastrophic hurricane that hit southwest Burma in May shows that the amount and level of coverage in the countryside has either stayed the same or increased since the suppression. ake Mizzima, a New Delhi-based New Delhi press office that has more than doubled its unprecedented number of readers every day since the last year' s economic downturn, to 15,000.
After the suppression, Mizzima was out of touch with several journalists, but editor-in-chief Soe Myint said the campaign came out of more of the story because she compelled journalists to better co-ordinate and systematise the newscast. âThe new limitations on the use of the web have not had much impact on our day-to-day work,â he said, and added that writers and journalists have set up a system to deliver messages, even if the US authorities turn off the web.
â With fresh interest in Burmese intelligence internationally, he said, Mizzima has been expanding its coverage networks in the state since the Saffron Revolution. Mizzima' sentiment is supported by other exiled authorities. Irrawaddy Zaw, publisher and creator of the Irrawaddy Newsletter website and magazine, said that his journalists continued to broadcast daily updates from the cybers.
For example, in the end of February, journalists broadcast videotapes of a major fire in Mandalay, downtown Burma, which journalists were able to publish on the Irrawaddy website just a few hour after the fire started. This March, his monthlies released a full title that highlighted and even ridiculed the governmentâ??s efforts to use censorship.
Over the past few months, the Irrawaddy on-line issue has been breaking a number of tales of new governance constraints, among them increased monitoring of groups of students ahead of the upcoming constitutional reform in May. Exile press groups also challenge formal reports of the May 2 to 3 hurricane that devastated the land and left as many as ten thousand bodies killed and missed, as well as up to one million homeowner.
At first, the administration said that only 350 men were murdered, and in the period that followed, the state radio stations swamped the skies with pictures of Prime Minister Major General Thein Sein, who held sessions of the administration, comforted mad village residents and observed the damages of the windstorm. In Mizzima, for one, the reader was offering a more discriminating appraisal of the government's answer, which its on-site reporter found sore to lack in some areas of disasters.
In the midst of common power outages and major telecommunications damages, Mizzima reporter used satelite telephones to broadcast pictures and information from the land, Soe Myint said. âThe main discrepancy between our messages and the messages from the administration was that we were able to give eye-witness accounts,â said Soe Myint. âThis is something the administration never does.
â Mizzima, referring to undisclosed junior civil servants, said that the number of victims was much higher than the number of the federal administration, which itself finally increased to ten thousand. For many, it was the road demonstrations that began in August 2007 after a change in governance drove the price of gasoline up.
National censorship forbade the grassroots press to report on the demonstrations, but impressive pictures of damaged religious broadcast from the countryside by subcover writers captured the world' s newscast. The Burmese army regime resisted on the 27 September afternoons, shutting down all access to the web (a four-day shutdown), jamming cell phone calls from reporters and ordering troops to open fire on protesters.
Kenji Nagai, a Japan intelligence reporter who was killed at close quarters by a Myanmar military man, was among the casualties. Afterwards, the intelligence agency found out that the bug was spelled in Cyrillic and sent via an IP in Panama. â To protect himself from further cyber attacks, he has switched the Irrawaddy web hosting and set up a new emergency back-up site. â East exile-run networks have their origins in politically opposed groups.
They are filling the crucial message gaps that Burma's strictly regulated indigenous press has bequeathed. Municipal agencies censor highly pre-release gazettes, while the broadcasting industry is completely monopolised and tampered with by the state. Newsmen who have tried the regime's resistance to critique of the press to almost zero have often ended up in jail.
The OpenNet initiative, an online research initiative carried out by Harvard University and the University of Toronto, Oxford and Cambridge, found Burma's online inspections among the "most comprehensive" in the âworld in 2005. The Burmese authorities, through their power and oversight over the country's two ISPs, have the ability to monitor communications practices such as email and prevent people from visiting websites of Burma's opponent groups and organisations working for democracy there.
â In the main exiles such as DVB, Mizzima and Irrawaddy, blocs are still in use. Due to the prohibitive cost and limitations of home computing, almost all Myanmar residents have online in private cybercafés, which have grown in recent years in Rangoon and a fistful of other megacities.
These cafés were the primary channel for the messages and information sent to the exiled groups during the Saffron Revolution. Since then, the goverment has tried to screw on the cafe owner, mainly through intimidations and intensified monitoring. These include new demands that ISPs use signage to inform their clients that access to limited material is a criminal offence subject to a prison sentence.
Exiled journalists say that certain cafés now review the content of flash drives before connecting to workstations. DVBâs Moe Aye said law enforcement recently put pressure on an Yangon cyber café manager to assist in tracing and identify a client who sent information and videoclips over the web to Oslo, Norway, where DVB's head messaging is located.
âSome cafés that would not work with the agencies were closed,â said Moe Aye and quoted information from his reporting staff. Burma's goverment is known for its sensitivity to DVB's often discerning programmes, which are broadcast from London to the whole globe and to Burma via the air. According to newscasts, up to a million people in Burma have satellites.
gLite was a favorite gProxy-Server at that time, which enabled surfer to bypass Gmail regulatory blocs. However, the pressures from the authorities have not prevented people from bypassing the network firwall. âUsers are as imaginative as ever in bypassing administrative firewalls,â said the gLite Admin. As a scientist, he saw tens of guests visiting banned information resources such as the BBC and Al-Jazeera.
Equally loved were discerning news reports published in Burma and messages criticizing the state. A celebrity blogspot reporter, pseudonym Niknayman, published a tale about Blogspot calling on Myanmar residents to cast votes against the suggested bill, while Myochitmyanmar, another blogsger, published a reportage about the junta's child recruiting to struggle in the continuing clash with insurgents.
A café has published a listing of its most frequently used websites, including five international hosts, the prohibited email services Yahoo and Gmail, and the prohibited on-line chats platform TTalk. This does not mean that of course dissidents browsing is secure, especially for the blogging community in the state. The Nay Phone Latt, a blogsman who published crucial footage about the regime on his website, was arrested on January 29 while patronising an cyber café.
Burma's secluded regimes continue to allow web surfers and subcover writers to oppose its limitations is not known. A well-known writer of a recent book on Burma's policies, Bertil Lintner, who conducted a recent review of the Myanmar press, claims that the Burma government still does not have the technology to monitor the web in an effective and efficient way.
LINENTER states that other authorship nations are investing significantly more effort in enforcing web-restriction. The cafés in Vietnam are fitted with camcorders and supervised by the covert police. In order to efficiently mark the web, said Mr Leinner, Myanmar civil servants must use more technologies like China or more labour like Vietnam. At the same token, according to Mr Leinner, the government cannot completely switch off the web because the political economy depends on cybercafés for low-cost international comunication.
Whilst relatively few people in Burma see regular updates from the exiled press, political activists of college ages surf the web and encounter these newscasts. As Aung Zaw said, some correspondents in the UK are concerned that the present atmosphere is a trick, that the agencies have given a wrong feeling of safety so that they can finally arrest and IDCs.
This fear is what drives Burma's in-house reporter to be more innovation. DVBâs Moe Aye said his correspondents in the state are now checking in to payphone writers at pre-determined hours to minimize the risks of communication on wires that can be tapsed by the state. Domestic journalist have their own secret proceedings.
A covert DVB journalist surreptitiously covered the case of a beloved police captive by recording the inmate who entered the court building on his cell phone. He used the web later that date to deliver the material in good timing to DVB.