Country formerly Called Burma

Formerly called Burma

Burma, but formerly known as the Burma population: Now, that's how I feel about Myanmar (formerly called Burma). Burma used to be called Myanmar. On Saturday Lagarde was in Yangon on her first official trip to the country formerly known as Burma. These freethinkers are a force in the struggle for democracy in the country formerly known as Burma.

Do you have any idea what these lands used to be called?

Eastern Pakistan, until 1971 a province of Pakistan, proclaimed after nine months of conflict its autonomy and became Bangladesh. 1989 the official change of many of the country's official titles, among them the name. Occidentally, the country was called Persia because of ancient Greeceans who called Iran Persis - the country of the Persians.

In 1964 the country achieved sovereignty and its name was transformed to Zambia, which comes from the Zambezi-Fluss. Since the beginning of Britain's Colonisation until 1972, what was Sri Lanka called? The name Ceylon is the translation of Ceil√£o, the name the Portuguese Empire gave the country in 1505.

The country is still known in Greek as Gallia. What was Thailand called until 1939? It was known as Siam from 1945 to 1949. So, what was Mali's name? When France came under its rule at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 18th centuries, it was called French Sudan from 1890 to 1899 and from 1921 to 1958.

What was Vanuatu called until its liberation in 1980? It was named after the then President Thomas Sankara on 4 August 1984. What was the name of the Congo from 1971 to 1997? Prior to its 1980 independent status, the country was known as Southern Rhodesia (1898), Rhodesia (1965) and Zimbabwe Rhodesia (1979).

What was Ghana called until 1957? Gold Coast was rebranded Ghana after becoming independent on March 6, 1957. The name Formosa goes back to 1542, when portugese seamen called the country "Ilha Formosa", which means "beautiful island".

Myanmar civil war talks need help from a happy white elephant

In Myanmar's Ayeyarwaddy West on March 1, a scarce female albino was caught, taking the country, formerly known as Burma, to nine in all. While the country is entering another round of negotiations to end more than 60 years of warfare, it could certainly use some luck.

In 2010, Myanmar launched a comprehensive programme of policy reforms, held its first ever election since 1961 and freed many detainees, among them Aung San Suu Kyi, head of the oppositi. A fortnight ago, the European Union-trained Myanmar policemen took brutal action against violent protest by non-violent college-goers. In Mandalay, Myanmar's second biggest town, the protest began in November and was triggered by a disputed educational law that restricted academia, according to schoolchildren.

Fights spread in the country's north Shan state as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MDNAA or Kokang) assaulted Burma's regional policing stations and fueled the many strained and intense civilian conflict that continues to be raging. The National Ceasefire Coordination Committee (NCCT), the 16 main ethnical groups of the country, held a meeting last weekend in Yangon with its colleagues in power, the Union Peacemaking Work Committee and its MPC.

For the first avenue since September, the groups gathered to resume the deadlocked cease-fire discussions. Despite the fact that the coalition and various groups of rebels have in the past been negotiating distinct cease-fire agreements, these agreements are designed to go beyond establishing a peaceful settlement and advancing the nations formation as well. Not only Myanmar's army (also known as Tatmadaw) and civil rule, but also most ethnical rebels support the suggested arson.

The question remains how a sound policy dialog can be established in a prospective integrative administration, and there is still insecurity about how the cease-fire is to converge. "These claims by the army - a great force in Burma policy - are significant. Involvement and disposal of armed forces that have been established by rebellious ethnical groups are a point of controversy.

They claim that reducing the size of the insurgent force is one way to relieve tension, but the insurgents believe it is a way for the Tatmadaw to secretly resettle units. The relocation of its armed force will enable the army to reconquer the lands left to the insurgents by the recent cease-fire-treaty. As soon as this happens, there is no way for the insurgents to reconquer their territories without violating the arson.

In order to avoid the army going around the civil administration and cut off its own business with the revolts, the NCCT has suggested that the Tatmadaw cannot defend itself in the policy dialog. The NCCT and the insurgents it is representing are talking about more than just dropping weapons in the name of freedom.

It is a point of departure for a policy dialog that will create a new, robust policy system from which the many Myanmar communities expect. NCCT calls for an all-encompassing system of government similar to the Panglong Agreement of 1947. Besides his NCCT part, Nai Han Tha is also the leader of the New Mon State Party, the Mon State Army's policy group.

Said the insurgents propose a federational system in which Myanmar's states "have their own self-determination and share equally in terms of powers and ressources". "The German central Federal Council will have the right under the constitution to monitor the states," he said. With the three columns of the system, the German and state governments should maintain a close relationship of strength.

" On the face of it, a federation system founded on ethnical principles seems like a rather bold insurrection. The majority of those nations that depend on a federation al system of governance are not established across national borders. In order for the suggested federation to function, previously prohibited ethnical politic groups must be able to participate in the policy making and the right to vote must be open to all ethnical minority groups.

Several of the high-ranking KIA leaders who are highly involved in the NCCT have tried to broker a peaceful settlement in Yangong and have been kept away from the front. Cancellation of the 30 March meeting because of the new fights may be a symptom of Myanmar's less fortunate whites.

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