Burma 2016

Myanmar 2016

Burma's transition from military to civilian rule, which began in 2011, slowed and reversed in some sectors in 2015. HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT ON BURMA 2016. This suppression was in response to attacks on Burmese border posts in October 2016 by unidentified insurgents. A great success is the democratic revolution in Burma? Results of the national parliamentary elections will feed into the election of the next president in early 2016.

2016 World Report: Myanmar | Human Rights Watch

Burma's shift from junta to civil administration, which began in 2011, was slowing and reversing in some industries in 2015. In spite of a significantly enhanced framework for free speech and free communication, the government's efforts to improve its respect for fundamental freedoms have stalled or not. In November, the slippery win of the NLD in the November election, the first relatively open nationwide election in 25 years, seemed ready to boost reform in some areas.

On November 8, 91 political groups and 100 independents fought over 1,100 votes in statewide general election. NLD won the overwhelming majority of the national, provincial and provincial parliaments with more than 85 per cent of the votes. In the run-up to the election, the Union Electoral Commission (UEC) was lacking in impartialism.

His chair said on several occasions that he was hoping for the triumph of the military-backed governing Union Solidarity and Development Partie ( "USDP"), and the committee itself published policies banning politicians from criticising the army in talks on state-controlled theatres. As a result of changes in the law on parliamentary party politics and the implementation of the 1982 Law on Citizenship, the motions of more than 50 Moslem nominees were rejected, among them those of two current members of the governing coalition who prove themselves to be Rohingya Muslims.

The USDP and NLD have not appointed a Moslem nominee anywhere in Burma, and no Moslem citizens have been elected to the country's parliaments. Throughout the country, the abolition of provisional nationality maps (the so-called blank cards) deprived over 800,000 persons who had previously had the right to vote in the 2008 constitution referendum and the 2010 election, many of them Rohingya in the state of Arakan.

The survey was carried out in a tranparent way, with many country and country monitors and policy makers following the census. In June and July, despite appeals from indigenous groups and opposing factions, the Myanmar army denied scrutiny of constitutional changes in the country's central government.

It assigns 25 per cent of the houses of state to the army and demands that 75 per cent of the assembly should support the adoption of changes to the Constitution, giving the army an efficient right of appeal. Legislative changes that were defeated include a suggested amendment to section 59(f) on presidential aptitude, which excludes Aung San Suu Kyi, the head of the political party, from the post because she has a child of immigrant nationality, and suggested changes to paragraphs 261 and 262, which give the presidential power to choose the powerful headmasters of 14 of Burma's 15 states and territories instead of state and local meetings.

In Burma, the increasing incidence of supranationalism, discriminations and intimidation against the Islamic majority in Burma in 2015 was reinforced by the increasing importance of the association for the protection of race and religion run by Buddhist monks, known under the Myanmar abbreviation Ma Ba Tha. On the other hand, the European Union has not adopted the extensive law against gender abuse, a law that would have reinforced the protection of women's liberties.

Leader of Burma's civic community, who openly criticised the law, were charged by high-ranking Ma Ba Tha officers as "traitors" and some were allegedly confronted with deaths. Nine Yangon messages made a proclamation in September against the abuse of religions in the 2015 election, triggering a reprimand from the Foreign Ministry.

Whilst some opposition to the law was supported by some opposition groups, in particular the NLD, other politicians supported the law as a means of protection against Islam. Celebrity Ma Ba Tha, member and head of the "969" anti-Muslim youth hostility U Wirathu warned UN Burma spokeswoman Yanghee Lee during her January trip to Burma, called her a "slut" and a "whore" and warned supporters to attack her.

There has been no action by the Burmese authorities to address this call, and no celebrity in Burma has frankly criticised the increasing discriminatory and threat of Ma Ba Tha or her intimidating of civic life. Burma's prison population increased in 2015 as the government's engagement to end the detention of prisoner groups declined.

By the end of the year, an estimated 112 persons had been detained for supposed breaches of the defective law on peaceful assembly and other policy offences, which represents a significant increase in cases since the great amnesty of 2012. In February, the leaders of the JCC on monitoring the release of civilian detainees - consisting of members of the administration, former civilian detainees and former civilian factions - were replaced by the stubborn Assistant Home Secretary, a servant army official.

Following the March violent incident, the European Union, which provided the Burmese policemen with tecnical support as part of a joint law enforcement and mass surveillance programme, criticised the Burmese government and appealed for an inquiry. The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission published a September message demanding the punishment of abused policemen and all students who may have taken action to provocate official.

Burmese landlords are frequently detained and accused of illegal gathering and trespassing for protests against the acquisition and expulsion of lands. In June and August, the Karen government detained a number of Karen country lawyers and peasants who had demanded reparation and reparation for the country they claimed had been wrongful.

Celebrities such as Su Su Su Nway were also detained in 2015, and the agencies condemned a number of ringleaders in the longstanding Letpadaung mine case in Monya, among them veterans campaigner Naw Ohn Hla, to four years in jail for peacefully protesting outside the Yangon PRC consulate.

Increasingly intolerant of Burmese ethnic groups has been expressed by high-ranking Burmese authorities, such as a Mandalay region safety secretary, who has urged the riot patrol to detain and "educate" transsexuals. Rohingya Muslims' marine explosion grew drastically in 2015, with Rohingya groups from Burma and Bangladesh leaving on smugglers' ships, and sometimes a large number of immigrant Bangladeshese.

United Nations estimate that 94,000 travelled between January 2014 and May 2015. By May 2015, some 5,000 persons were dumped on smugglers' vessels and refused access to Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia, with at least 70 deaths during the ordeals. Boat interceptions by Burmese officials were tugged to Maungdaw in the state of Arakan, and Bangladeshers were returned to Bangladesh.

As of the date of the letter, many commentators predicted a return to seafaring through the desert Rohingya, with severe violations of the law, beginning in the end of 2016, when sailings in the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea began to soar. Despite a slight improvement in 2015 in the level of camp accessibility for philanthropic organisations, which will allow the delivery of restricted healthcare and educational facilities, the picture is still appalling.

It is a good thing that in 2015 the country's authorities helped an estimated 10,000 international IDPs ( "IDPs") to reconstruct houses in the areas from which they were evicted in 2012. Approximately 110,000 Burmese fugitives, who escaped from Burma during the long lasting civilian conflict, live in nine refugee camp in the north-west of Thailand.

UNHCR, non-governmental organisations and the Thai authorities are continuing to debate a scheme for the optional expulsion of members of this group. Returnees remain concerned about the lack of involvement in Burma's plans for their returns and the insecure safety conditions in the country, which include the spread of landmines in some of the areas to which they could revert.

Burma's militarily and non-state gunmen' hostilities have been escalating in 2015. Fights between the Myanmar and the Kachin Independence Force (KIA) went on occasionally, allegedly with disagreements over the exploitation of resources. Fights between the Ta-ang National Liberation Amrsy (TNLA), often in connection with Arakan and Shan State Army-North rebels, have been continuing throughout the year and several thousand individuals have been driven out by war.

Battle between Burma's military and the Shan rebels over the November election campaign erupted in downtown Shan State, driving out some 6,000 troops. It was part of a Red Cross demarcated convoys that evacuated the civilian population driven out by combat in Shan State. Fights began in March between the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Military (MNDAA) and the Myanmar Armed Force in the Kokang area.

Burma's military used air strikes and severe random bombing of ordnance during the fight against the MNDAA. In 2015, the federal administration aimed for a national cease-fire with 16 non-state gunmen. Instead, the escalation of the dispute reached a level that had not existed since the fights in Kachin State in 2013.

About 130,000 civilian refugees remained exiled in refugee camp, with many internal displacement workers in KIA-controlled areas enjoying little in the way of humanitarian aid, mainly due to interference with the Myanmar armed force. Burma's junior troops continue to enlist and deploy children as well as many paramilitaries and militias under the leadership of the Myanmar armed group. Children have also been allegedly enlisted and used by many non-state gunmen.

Burma's armed forces have continued to back the 2012 Action Plan to end the recruiting of children soldiers that has been negotiated with the United Nations and multinational groups, and have permitted observers to attend armed forces and militias bases. Burma's powerful bi-lateral allies, the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union and Australia, have continued to lend their backing to Thein Sein's narrow reform despite growing concern about new attacks on fundamental liberties.

A number of administrations commended the relatively open November election and the behaviour of the political groups and the UEC. In 2015, the EU also supported Burma decisions in the United NationsHRC and the General Assembly. The UNHRC adopted a motion in July in which it condemned the prosecution of Rohingya and other Burmese minority groups and urged the Burmese authorities to guarantee the protection of these people.

In 2015, China did not express any concern about people' s right to life, but strongly criticised Burma for failing to contain the battles in Kokang that were spilt across the borders, in particular the aerial attacks in which a number of Chinas civilian lives were slashed. The Russians continue to trade Burmese weapons and there are rumours that Burma and North Korea have established alliances.

In 2015, the US, the UK and Japan made a restricted commitment to Burma.

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