He grew up in Burma (Myanmar), without television and with little amenities, and had to pump water from a well.
Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's chief, cannot be the person she is supposed to be the Christ.
Did we expect too much from Aung San Suu Kyi? For a long time the West has had a messianic fantasy: the faith in the might of a carismatic person to bear the aspirations of his people. In the past, this messsia would give liberty and democratization to dispopoes. "A Crusader's humble history of transforming a country is rare.
" In the case of Ms Suu Kyi, you said that "the West has overlooked the signals that she may not be a role model for free democracy after all". Who is the Christ we want? This is in line with what I was informed more than a decade ago in a report mission for CNN to Myanmar.
At that time the whole under the control of the "lady", as she was called, surrounded by the violent soldier junt. Suu Kyi is the granddaughter of an Armenian general, a venerated liberation campaigner who will be commemorated as the "father of the people. Your dad, Aung San, was murdered just a few month before his country won its liberty.
Aung San Suu Kyi took her father's coat, who led the drive for democracy reforms, which was under more than a decade imprisonment, away from her husbands and a family. However, since the liberation and emergence as the de facto Myanmar guide, Mrs Suu Kyi's gloriole has been slipping. She has been charged with not having used her ethical powers to prevent acts of brutalization against Rohingya's Muslim population.
Over half a million refugees have escaped the countryside because houses and towns were burnt to the ground and tens of millions were murdered. The South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu - a co-Nobel Prize winner - punished Ms Suu Kyi and said: "If the prize for your rise to the highest post in Myanmar is your silences, the prize is certainly too high.
The Mandela believes in the Liberty Charter that" South Africa is the property of all who reside in it - in writing". Rohingya's approach poses a crucial question: What kind of country does Myanmar want to be? In a 2012 Journal of Democracy observer Min Zin and Brian Joseph said Myanmar's story of violence in ethnical conflicts "the basic character of the country is unavoidable".
Myanmar has the choice: "Is it a Burmese-speaking buddhistic nation with a large majority.... or is it a multi-ethnic nation where everyone has a right? "The greatest challenges are "less democratization per se than the construction of a state in which democratization can take roots and grow".
Aung San Suu Kyi's response to this issue has proven itself beyond Aung San Suu Kyi. The United States Institute of Peace Papers on "Building Democracy in Burma" made it clear in 2007 that the United States is "more in the postcolonial African model than in Asia". Almost a hundred years of Britain's reign has laid the groundwork for democratisation, but Myanmar, like many African nations, "has not been able to turn it into a lasting basis for lasting democratically managed government.
" Myanmar has changed considerably in the decades that this has been writing, but the Myanmar Constitution still enshrines myanmar's influence over the nation's warfare. Mrs Suu Kyi does not exert influence over the Supreme Head of the Armed Forces. The bravery and resolve of Aung San Suu Kyi has taken her land far, but she is not a Christ.
It may not be able - not even willing - to offer Myanmar a multiethnic tomorrow of peace and democracy. 2. Is the blame the land itself? In the West, by many standards, democracy is on the decline, confidence in the institution is being weakened, popularism and authority are increasing.
The West's own free democratic system is being besieged by a revival of the tribal, sectarian and ethnic national - everything we see in the Rohingya force - at the very moment we tell Myanmar that it should be more like us.